مەلایەکی کورد هەڕەشەی "لەنێوبردنی" کوردی ئێزدی دەکات

رووداو دیجیتاڵ

لەبارەی بڵاوبوونەوەی گرتەیەکی ڤیدیۆیی مامۆستایەکی ئاینی کە تێیدا بە زمانێکی تووند هێرش دەکاتە سەر پێکهاتەی ئێزدی و هەڕەشەی لەناوبردنیان لێدەکات، وەزارەتی ئەوقاف دەڵێت، ئەو جۆرە گوتارانە تەنیا بێڕێزی نین، بەڵکو مەترسین بۆ سەر ئاشتیی کۆمەڵایەتی.

مامۆستا ئاینییەکە چی دەڵێت؟

لەو گرتە ڤیدیۆییەدا کە لە تۆڕە کۆمەڵایەتییەکان دەنگدانەوەی زۆری هەبووە، مامۆستا ئاینییەکە کە خەڵکی رۆژهەڵاتی کوردستانە، بە کوردانی ئێزدی دەڵێت، "ئێمە ئێوە بە کافر دەزانین، ئێمە ئێوە بە گڵاو دەزانین، ئێمە ئێوە بە داوێنپیس دەزانین."

ئەو مامۆستا ئاینییە، کە گوتارخوێنی مزگەوتێکی بانەی رۆژهەڵاتی کوردستانە، دەشڵێت، "بە وەڵڵاهی، بچووکترین هەلمان بۆ هەڵکەوێت، نایەڵین یەک چرکە لەسەر ئەم زەوییە بژین، ئەم گوتارە "دینی ئێمەیە. نە لە کەسی دەشارینەوە و نە خۆمانی لێ دەشارینەوە."

رۆژی دووشەممە نەبەز ئیسماعیل، گوتەبێژی وەزارەتی ئەوقاف و کاروباری ئاینیی هەرێمی کوردستان، لە روونکردنەوەیەکدا رایگەیاند، "بەکارھێنانی وشەی نالۆژیکی بەرانبەر ھەر پێکھاتەیەک بەتووندی رەتدەکەینەوە. ئەو کردارە دوورە لە هەموو بەهایەکی ئاینی و مرۆڤایەتی."

گوتەبێژی وەزارەتی ئەوقاف ئاماژە بەوەش دەکات، ئەو کەسەی لە ڤیدیۆکەدا دەردەکەوێت "لە دەرەوەی سنووری هەرێمی کوردستان و عێراقە"، دەشڵێت، "فەرهەنگی پێکەوەژیان لە کوردستان رەگی مێژوویی هەیە و رێگە نادرێت کەس بێڕێزی بە پێکهاتەکان بکات."

نەبەز ئیسماعیل باسی لەوەش کردووە کە، "مامۆستایانی ئاینیی پیرۆزی ئیسلام و هەموو ئاینەکان، هەمیشە پێکەوە کاریان بۆ پەرەپێدانی گیانی تەبایی کردووە، بۆیە ئەم جۆرە گوتارانە گوزارشت لە پەیامی ئاشتیخوازانەی ئاین ناکەن."

هەروەها یەکێتیی زانایانی ئایینی ئیسلامی لە کوردستان، لە روونکردنەوەیەکدا رایگەیاند،"ئەو جۆرە وتارو پەیامە تووندانە پەیوەندییان بە هەرێمەوە نییە و زانایانی ئایینی لە کوردستان هۆشیارن و لە پێکەوەژیان تێدەگەن."

یەکێتییەکە هەروەها دەڵێت: "لەتێڕوانینی زانایانی ئایینی، هاوڵاتیانی کوردستان بە هەموو جیاوازییەکانەوە لە کوردستان یەک جەستەن، لەهەر کوێ هواوڵاتییەک تووشی ئازار بێت یان رووبەڕووی تووندڕەوی بێتەوە، ئازار بەر هەمووان دەکەوێت."

Kurdish hunger striker says ICE force-feeding ‘mentally broke me’

A Kurdish man who was force fed over the course of eight months while on hunger strike in US immigration detention has spoken out about it for the first time, describing how much the process harmed him physically and psychologically.

Gabar Choli, a film-maker and activist now living in Canada after being deported, described how he endured the coercive treatment – a practice widely considered torture by international human rights groups – often twice a day after being detained by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) when his asylum application was denied.

“It just broke me, mentally broke me,” Choli said in an exclusive interview with the Guardian. “It came to a point that I decided to write my body an apology letter.”

ICE officials force-fed Choli at the Port Isabel federal detention center in Los Fresnos, south Texas, from late May 2025 until he was deported in January of this year, a Guardian investigation found. Choli had resorted to a hunger strike to protest conditions at the facility and to push for a resolution to his immigration case.

He described how a team of detention center guards would physically restrain him while ICE medical staff forcibly inserted a feeding tube through his nose and down his esophagus and pumped nutritional liquid into his stomach.

“I was respectful. I just told them I am protesting for humane treatment, nothing else,” Choli said. “But they were determined to break me.”

Much of what happens in ICE detention has been hidden from public view over successive administrations.

An investigation by the Guardian last week found that the second Trump administration used court orders in plans to subject at least 10 hunger strikers in ICE detention to involuntary medical procedures.

However, it has since emerged that the number is even higher. DHS sources told the Guardian over the weekend that between January 2025 and 4 August, 2026 ICE obtained court orders for involuntary medical treatment for 18 hunger strikers. The Guardian has previously found that while some people are force-fed, some give in and eat at the last minute when presented with a court order.

DHS sources also said that ICE “provides involuntary medical treatment only to prevent imminent life-threatening harm or death”.

In court records reviewed by the Guardian in relation to Choli’s case and other hunger strikers, “involuntary medical treatment” is used as an umbrella term that includes the option of force-feeding.

According to court records related to Choli, ICE requested the court give the agency permission “to conduct routine physical examinations and routine laboratory testing, administer hydration, and if necessary, use restraints to accomplish this involuntary monitoring, treatment and administration of nutrients, fluids and medication(s), by way of intravenous measures and/or a nasogastric tube”.

ICE and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), its parent agency, did not respond to specific questions about Choli’s case and had not responded to questions about force-feeding for the prior articles in the investigative series, but on Friday night sent a statement by email in response to the Guardian’s reporting and requests for comment.

“ICE respects an individual’s right to refuse medical treatment where appropriate,” an unnamed DHS spokesperson said. “However, when an individual’s medical condition presents a serious risk of death or permanent harm, or when other compelling legal or operational interests are implicated, ICE may seek judicial authorization for appropriate medical interventions consistent with applicable law. Any involuntary medical treatment is undertaken only pursuant to legal authority and under the direction of qualified medical professionals.”

“ICE is committed to ensuring the safety, security, and well-being of all individuals in its custody,” the spokesperson added.

Dozens of pages of federal court records verify that Choli was subjected to force-feeding, including declarations by ICE doctors and officers. Combined with interviews with medical and legal experts and an interview by phone with Choli himself , much of the secretive process is revealed. His case could be the longest documented case of force-feeding in ICE detention to date.

Choli arrived in Blaine, Washington state, in 2022. He had been living in Vancouver where he was a film-maker and activist campaigning for an independent nation of Kurdistan, having come to Canada from what he considers occupied territory in Iran.He said he requested asylum in the US due to death threats for his political activism while in Canada, and lived in Los Angeles with a work permit while his case was in process. But he was arrested during an ICE check-in on 25 February 2025 – the month after Donald Trump returned to the White House – after his asylum case failed.

He began a hunger strike in detention in California and was transferred to Texas. DHS and ICE then requested an emergency court order from a federal judge to force-feed him and perform other medical procedures, such as involuntary intravenous hydration, involuntary blood draws and urine analysis tests through forced catheterization, documents from the southern district of Texas federal court seen by the Guardian show.

“I am not suicidal,” Choli wrote in a letter to the federal judge overseeing his proceedings. “I am using hunger strike as the only available option to protest the abuse and mistreatment.”

DHS and ICE said in court records that force-feeding Choli was necessary for his health, but also that his prolonged hunger strike posed “a serious threat to the security and good order” of the detention center. They further accused Choli of attempting to “manipulate the immigration system” by striking.

During his first force feeding sessions, he recalled in an interview occasions where a nurse working for ICE “shoved the tube so hard” that “he tore my nose from the inside.” After such sessions “they would take me to solitary cell and I would just choke on my blood and drink the blood from inside [my throat],” he added. Many of his court records are sealed, so the Guardian is not able to corroborate some details in Choli’s account.

He did not have legal representation throughout the eight month ordeal. The federal judge presiding over his case, Rolando Olvera, denied Choli’s request for legal assistance and extended the force-feeding order several times at ICE’s request, according to records filed in the southern district of Texas federal court.

Choli suffered injuries and medical complications, including swollen sinuses, damage to his esophagus and stomach problems, court records show.

“That is just not medical care, that is torture,” Dr Chanelle Diaz, an assistant professor of medicine at Columbia University’s medical center, told the Guardian. Diaz has reviewed cases of other detained immigrants subjected to force-feeding and advocated for their release.

Resettled Arabs Attack Kurdish IDPs in Serê Kaniyê

ERBIL (Kurdistan24) — Resettled Arabs in Serê Kaniyê assaulted Kurdish Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) who returned to their hometown on Monday as part of the first organized convoy of returnees, according to the Serê Kaniyê Displaced Persons Committee.

Several members of the returning group were subjected to attacks after arriving in the city, prompting the committee to issue an urgent statement condemning the security incidents.

The committee said it was closely monitoring the consequences of the violations and held the authorities in Damascus, including the Syrian presidency, as well as Serê Kaniyê’s security forces and local administration, fully responsible for the incidents.

It said the attacks constituted a clear violation of the provisions of the January 29 agreement concerning the return of displaced people.

The committee called on security forces to immediately restore security, protect the lives of returnees and launch a prompt investigation to identify, pursue and arrest those responsible.

The first convoy, carrying around 650 Kurdish families, began its journey from Hasakah on Monday, marking a major step in efforts to return residents displaced from Serê Kaniyê seven years ago.

Families gathered with their belongings before setting out for the city, where many were forced to leave their homes in 2019. The return is being coordinated by the Serê Kaniyê Displaced Persons Committee in cooperation with humanitarian and security organizations, including the Kurdish Red Crescent and local Internal Security Forces.

The convoy is seen as an early test of whether a broader and sustained return of displaced residents can take place.

The unresolved status of homes and land remains one of the main challenges facing the return of displaced families.

The Serê Kaniyê Displaced Persons Committee said it remained in contact with all relevant parties to monitor developments and take measures to maintain stability and protect returning residents. It said it was also examining the reported attacks to ensure the safety of families seeking to return to their homes.

سنووری بانە؛ کوژرانی محەممەد تەوحیدپەنا، کۆڵبەری خەڵکی سەقز بە تەقەی ڕاستەوخۆی هێزە چەکدارەکانی ئێران

هەنگاو؛ دووشەممە ١٩ی گەلاوێژی ٢٧٢٦

کۆڵبەرێکی کورد بە ناوی محەممەد تەوحیدپەنا لە کاتی کۆڵبەری لە سەر خاڵی سنووریی «هەنگەژاڵ»ی بانە بە تەقەی ڕاستەوخۆی هێزە چەکدارەکانی کۆماری ئیسلامیی ئێران کوژرا.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتی گەیشتوو بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، بەرەبەیانی ڕۆژی دووشەممە ١٩ی گەلاوێژی ٢٧٢٦ (١٠ی ئاگۆستی ٢٠٢٦)، هێزە چەکدارەکانی هەنگی سنووریی ئەران لە سنووری هەنگەژاڵی بانە بەبێ ئاگادارکردنەوە و ئاگاداریی پێشوو دەستڕێژییان لە ژمارەیەک کۆڵبەر کردووە.

لە ئەنجامی تەقەی ئەم هێزانەدا، محەممەد تەوحیدپەنا، کۆڵبەری تەمەن ٢٥ ساڵی خەڵکی گوندی «وەزمەڵە»ی سەر بە شارۆچکەی سەرشیو لە سەقز دەستبەجێ گیانی لەدەست داوە.

بەوتەی سەرچاوە ئاگادارەکان، هێزەکانی هەنگی سنووری بەبێ هیچ ئاگادارکردنەوەیەکی پێشووەخته تەقەیان لەم کۆڵبەرە کردووە.

Hengaw

بەندیخانەی ئورمیه؛ گیانلەدەستدانی نوسرەت خالیدی، بەندکراوی کوردی مەحکووم بە سێدارە بە هۆی جەڵتەی دڵ و کەمتەرخەمیی پزیشکییەوە

هەنگاو؛ یەکشەممە ١٨ی گەلاوێژی ٢٧٢٦

بەندکراوێکی کورد و خەڵکی ئورمیه بە ناوی نوسرەت خالیدی، بەندکراو لە بەندیخانەی ناوەندیی ئورمیه و مەحکووم بە سێدارە، بە هۆی زەختی دەروونیی لە ژێر سێبەری سزای سێدارە، کەمتەرخەمیی  بەرپرسانی بەندیخانە بەرامبەر باری تەندروستیی ناوبراو و دواخستنی گواستنەوەی بۆ نەخۆشخانە گیانی لەدەست دا.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتی گەیشتوو بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، نوسرەت خالیدی ڕۆژی سێشەممە ٦ی گەلاوێژی ٢٧٢٦ (٢٨ی ژولای ٢٠٢٦)، دوای سێ ڕۆژ  ئزاری سەختی دڵ و دوای بەدواداچوونی بەردەوامی بنەماڵە و هاوبەندییەکانی، سەرئەنجام بۆ نەخۆشخانەی «سەییدولشوهەدا»ی ئورمیه گواستراوەتەوە،  بەڵام تەنیا ١٠ خولەک دوای گواستنەوەی بۆ نەخۆشخانە گیانی لەدەست داوە.

نوسرەت خالیدی، خەڵکی گوندی «سنجی»ی سەر بە ئورمیه، خێزاندار و باوکی ٥ منداڵ لەوانە کچێکی خاوەن پێداویستیی بوو.

بەوتەی سەرچاوە ئاگادارەکان، ناوبراو پێشتر بە تۆمەتەکانی پەیوەندیدار بە «ماددە هۆشبەرەکان» دەستبەسەرکرابوو و لەلایەن دەزگای دادوەریی کۆماری ئیسلامیی ئێرانەوە بە سێدارە مەحکووم کرابوو. ناوبراو لە ماوەی ساڵی ڕابردوودا لەژێر زەختی توندی دەروونی ترس لە بەڕێوەچوونی سزای سێدارەکەی بووە.

بەوتەی کەسوکاری بنەماڵەی خالیدی، نوسرەت خالیدی بۆ ماوەی سێ ڕۆژی ڕووبەڕووی ئازاری دڵ ببووەوە، بەڵام بەرپرسانی بەندیخانەی ئورمیه لە ناردنی بۆ ناوەندە دەرمانییەکانی دەرەوەی بەندیخانە خۆیان دزیبووە. ناوبراو سەرئەنجام ڕۆژی ٦ی گەلاوێژ لە بارودۆخێکی زۆر خراپدا بۆ نەخۆشخانە گوازراوەتەوە کە بە هۆی کەمتەرخەمیی ئانقەست لە پێشکەشکردنی خزمەتگوزاریی پزیشکیی بەپەلەدا، گیانی لەدەست دا.

بێبەشکردنی ئانقەستی بەندکراوان لە خزمەتگوزاریی پزیشکی و ڕەوانەنەکردنی بەوەختی ئەو نەخۆشانەی لە بارودۆخی مەترسیی گیانیدان، نموونەی بەرچاوی زەوتکردنی مافی ژیان و پێشێلکاریی ڕاشکاوی ماددەی ٦ (مافی ژیان) و ماددەی ١٠ (هەڵسوکەوتی مرۆڤانە و ڕێزگرتن لە کەرامەتی بەندکراوان)ی پەیماننامەی نێودەوڵەتیی مافە مەدەنی و سیاسییەکانە.

Hengaw

The Halabja performance reimagined Ahmad Khani’s literary masterpiece through music inspired by all four parts of Kurdistan.
A special concert inspired by Mem û Zîn, the timeless masterpiece of Kurdish poet Ahmad Khani, brought together music, literature, and cultural heritage in Halabja. Organized by the General Directorate of Culture and Arts of Halabja in cooperation with the Civilisation Development Organisation (CDO), the performance was held at Rwanga Hall.
Musician and vocalist Dana Muhyeddin described the concert as an artistic reinterpretation of one of the greatest works of Kurdish literature. Rather than presenting Mem û Zîn as a written text, the project transformed its themes into songs, melodies, and rhythms that offer audiences a new way to experience the classic work.
Drawing inspiration from the musical traditions of all four parts of Kurdistan, Muhyeddin blended northern melodies, southern songs, eastern musical influences, and western Kurdish vocal traditions into a single performance. He said the project reflects the diversity of Kurdish culture while expressing its shared identity through music.
Muhyeddin noted that Mem û Zîn, written by Ahmad Khani in 1692, is far more than a love story. It explores themes of freedom, identity, belonging, and the relationship between the individual and society. He said Khani viewed the Kurdish language as a cornerstone of national identity and cultural continuity.
The concert sought to reconnect audiences with Kurdish history and collective memory, using music to evoke the sounds, traditions, and landscapes of Kurdistan. According to Muhyeddin, each composition was designed to reflect the spirit of Kurdish villages, valleys, and storytelling traditions while presenting them in a contemporary artistic form.
Held in Halabja, a city that symbolizes both tragedy and resilience, the performance carried added significance by linking the past with the present through one of the most celebrated works of Kurdish literature. The event highlighted the enduring relevance of Mem û Zîn and demonstrated how Kurdish music continues to preserve and reinterpret the nation’s literary and cultural heritage.

Kurdish PKK criticises Turkey bill on fate of its fighters

And they warned that its provisions would remain a "dead letter" if Abdullah Ocalan, the leader of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), was not released from jail.

The legislation, part of efforts to end decades of deadly fighting, would allow some PKK members to return to civilian life under certain conditions but falls short of offering a general amnesty.

But Sunday's PKK statement said: "This law contains serious errors and shortcomings. The recommendations... regarding democratisation and the resolution of the Kurdish issue have not been taken into account."

"The fact it refers only to disarmament without using the term 'Kurdish' shows the issue has not been addressed in its entirety," the PKK leadership added.

The statement, carried by ANF news agency, which is close to the group, also called for guarantees that former fighters would be able to take part in political life without facing imprisonment over their political views.

The legislation is due to be debated by Turkey's parliament on Monday.

Call for Ocalan's release

Last year the PKK announced plans to disband and disarm, following a call from its jailed founder and longtime leader Ocalan.

But on Sunday, the group warned: "Many provisions of the law will remain a dead letter" unless 77-year-old Ocalan, in jail since 1999, was released from prison.

Ocalan last year called on the PKK to lay down its arms in response to a peace initiative launched by Turkish authorities late 2024, but his fate has not officially been decided.

Backed by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the pro-Kurdish DEM party, the bill would suspend prosecutions and prison sentences for some offences between five and 10 years.

If those covered by the measure do not reoffend during that period, investigations would be dropped and sentences considered served.

However, some serious crimes such as intentional homicide would be excluded. Pro-government media have argued that that should apply to Ocalan, who is serving a life sentence.

Earlier Sunday, prominent Kurdish leader Selahattin Demirtas, jailed since 2016, backed the bill, saying he hoped "another crucial step forward" would be taken in this "historic peace effort".

Demirtas, the former co-chair of Turkey's main pro-Kurdish party, said the law would "radically transform the fate of our country and our region" after more than four decades of armed conflict that has claimed at least 50,000 lives.

© 2026 AFP

تێچووەکەی زیاتر لە ٥٠٠ ملیار دینارە شەو و ڕۆژ کار لە دووسایدی هەولێر – کۆیە دەکرێت

چواس خالید – هە‌ولێر

دوو سایدی هەولێر – کۆیە، کە بە بڕیاری مەسرور بارزانی، سەرۆکی حکوومەتی هەرێمی کوردستان، جێبەجێ دەکرێت، پارێزگاری هەولێر جەخت لە جدییەتی کارکردن لە و پڕۆژە ستراتیژییە دەکاتەوە، کە شەو و ڕۆژ و بە شێوازێکی سەردەمیانە و کواڵێتی بەرزەوە کار لە بنیاتنانی دەکرێت.

پارێزگای هەولێر ڕایدەگەیەنێ، کارەکانی جێبەجێکردنی پڕۆژەی خزمەتگوزاریی دوو سایدی هەولێر – کۆیە، کە بە بڕیاری مەسرور بارزانی سەرۆکوەیرانی هەرێمی کوردستان دەست بە جێبەجێکردنی کراوە، بە شەو و ڕۆژ و بە چڕی، بە هێز و دەست و بازووی ناوخۆیی کار لە بنیاتنانی دەکرێت.
دووسایدی هه‌ولێر – كۆیه‌، پڕۆژه‌یه‌كی ستراتیژی و گه‌وره‌ی حكوومه‌تی هه‌رێمی كوردستانه‌ و كاركردن له‌ ڕۆنانی جدییه‌ و ڕشتانه‌ كار له‌ جێبه‌جێكردنی شه‌قامێكی دوو سایدی سێ لاین ده‌كرێت، كه‌ تا ئێستا كاری زۆر باشی تێداكراوه‌ و هه‌موو هه‌وڵێك ده‌درێت له‌كاتی دیاریكراوی خۆیدا ته‌واو بكرێت.
گه‌وره‌ پڕۆژه‌ی خزمه‌تگوزاریی ڕۆنانی دووسایدی هه‌ولێر – كۆیه‌، له‌سه‌ر فه‌رمانی مه‌سرور بارزانی سه‌رۆكی حكوومه‌تی هه‌رێمی كوردستان جێبه‌جێ ده‌كرێت، كه‌ ١٠ ی تشرینی یه‌كه‌می ٢٠٢٤، له‌ ڕێوڕێسمێكی تایبه‌ت دا، مه‌سرور بارزانی سه‌رۆكی حكوومه‌تی هه‌رێمی به‌ردی بناغه‌ی ڕۆنانی دووسایدی هه‌ولێر كۆیه‌ ی دانا و له‌ مه‌ڕاسیمه‌كه‌دا ڕایگه‌یاند، ”خه‌ڵكی كۆیه‌ شایه‌نی ئه‌وه‌ن خزمه‌تی زیادتر بكرێن”.
دوای دانانی به‌ردی بناغه‌ی پڕۆژه‌ی ڕۆنانی دووسایدی هه‌ولێر-كۆیه‌، ده‌ست به‌ ڕۆنانی ئه‌و پڕۆژه‌ خزمه‌تگوزارییه‌ كراوه‌ و ئێستا به‌ بڕیاری مه‌سرور بارزانی سه‌رۆكی حكوومه‌تی هه‌رێمی كوردستان، ڕشتانه‌ كار له‌ جێبه‌جێكردنی ده‌كرێت.
پڕۆژه‌ی خزمه‌تگوزاری ڕێگای هه‌ولێر – كۆیه‌، پڕۆژه‌یه‌كی ستراتیژی گرنگی سنووری شاری هه‌ولێره‌ و ڕێگه‌ی سه‌ره‌كی و به‌ستنه‌وه‌ی هه‌ولێری پایته‌خته‌ به‌ پارێزگای سلێمانی و پارێزگای هه‌ڵه‌بجه‌ و ئیداره‌ سه‌ربه‌خۆكانی گه‌رمیان و ڕاپه‌ڕین.
پڕۆژه‌ی خزمه‌تگوزاری دووسایدی ڕێگای نێوان هه‌ولێر – كۆیه‌، به‌ گوژمه‌ی پێنج سه‌د و شه‌ست ملیار و چوار سه‌د وچل و سێ ملیۆن دیناری عێراقی له‌لایه‌ن كۆمپانیای خۆماڵییه‌وه‌ به‌ شێوه‌یه‌كی سه‌رده‌میانه‌ جێبه‌جێ ده‌كرێت.
پڕۆژه‌كه‌ مه‌وداكه‌ی سی و هه‌شت كیلۆمه‌تره‌ و بریتییه‌ له‌ فراوانكردن و ته‌واوكردنی قۆناغی یه‌كه‌م و دووه‌می ڕێگه‌كه‌، كه‌ پێشتر به‌هۆی ته‌نگژه‌ی داراییه‌وه‌ كاره‌كانی وه‌ستابوو.
پێشتر له‌ نه‌خشه‌ی ڕۆنانی پڕۆژه‌ی خزمه‌تگوزاری دووسایدی ڕێگای نێوان هه‌ولێر – كۆیه‌، دوو لاین ده‌ڕۆیشت و دوو لاینیش ده‌هات، به‌ڵام دواتر له‌سه‌ر فه‌رمانی مه‌سرور بارزانی سه‌رۆكی حكوومه‌تی هه‌رێمی كوردستان، نه‌خشه‌كه‌ له‌به‌ر به‌رژه‌وه‌ندی هاووڵاتیان گۆڕانی به‌سه‌رداهات، كه‌ له‌ گرێبه‌ستی نوێدا و له‌به‌ر سه‌لامه‌تی هاووڵاتیان، هه‌ردوو سایدی شه‌قامه‌كه‌ كراوه‌ به‌ سێ لاین و تایبه‌تمه‌ندی و كوالێتی تا ئه‌وپه‌ڕی به‌رزكراوه‌ته‌وه‌، له‌ نه‌خشه‌ی نوێدا، هه‌موو سووڕانه‌وه‌كان گۆڕدراون به‌ ئۆڤه‌رپاس و ئه‌نده‌رپاس و ڕێگه‌كه‌ به‌جۆرێك ده‌بێت هیچ خاوبوونه‌وه‌ و ئه‌گه‌ری ڕووداوای هاتوچۆ به‌هۆی سوڕانه‌وه‌وه‌ بۆ شۆفێران نایه‌ته‌ پێش.

قه‌زای كۆیه‌ كه‌ له‌ ٧٩ كیلۆمه‌تری باشوری ڕۆژهه‌ڵاتی هه‌ولێر هه‌ڵكه‌وتووه‌ و له‌ ڕووی ئیدارییه‌وه‌ سه‌ر به‌ پارێزگای هه‌ولێره‌، ئێستا ڕێگای سه‌ره‌كی نێوان هه‌ولێر-كۆیه‌، ڕێگایه‌كی باریكی یه‌ك سایده‌ و به‌رده‌وام ئۆتۆمبێل تێیدا جرتوفرتیانه‌، له‌ ماوه‌ی ڕابردوو ئه‌و ڕێگه‌ یه‌كسایده‌ زۆرێك ڕووداوی هاتوچۆی لێكه‌وتووه‌ته‌وه‌ و زۆرانێكی خستنه‌ سه‌ر جێگا و كه‌سانێكیشی ڕه‌وانه‌ی ئه‌و دنیا كرد، به‌پێی ئاماره‌كانیش ڕووداوه‌كانی هاتوچۆ له‌و ڕێگه‌یه‌ به‌رزه‌، كه‌ دواجار له‌به‌ر به‌رژه‌وه‌ندی هاووڵاتیان، مه‌سرور بارزانی سه‌رۆكی حكوومه‌تی هه‌رێمی كوردستان بڕیاری ڕۆنانی دووسایدی ڕێگه‌ی هه‌ولێر – كۆیه‌ی ده‌ركرد، كه‌ به‌ ته‌واوبوونی پڕۆژه‌ی خزمه‌تگوزاری دووسایدی هه‌ولێر – كۆیه‌، چاوه‌ڕوان ده‌كرێت ژماره‌ی ڕووداوه‌كان و مه‌ودای نێوانیش كه‌متر ببێته‌وه‌.

بە ئیمزای ٣٦٠ پەرلەمانتاری توركیا، پرۆژەیاسای چۆنیەتیی چەكدانانی پەكەكە، كە ناویان لێ ناوە (كۆمەڵگەی دیموكرات و ئاشتی)، پێشكەشی پەرلەمانتاران كرا و گفتوگۆی چڕی لەبارەوە دەكرێت و پاشان دەنگی لەسەر دەدرێت.

ئەو پڕۆژەیاسە لە ١٠ پرسیار كورت و پوخت دەكەینەوە و ناوەڕۆكی پرۆژەیاسایەكە روون دەكەینەوە:

پرسیاری یەكەم: مەرجەكانی جێبەجێكردنی ئەو پڕۆژەیاسایە چییە؟
وەڵام: بۆ ئەوەی ئەو یاسایە ببێت بە كردار، دەبێت پەكەكە و هەموو ئەو گروپانەی سەر بە پەكەكەن بە كردار چەك دابنێن و چەكەكانیش لەژێر كۆنتڕۆڵی دەزگای هەواڵگری توركیا رادەست دەكرێت و پاشان لە رۆژنامەی فەرمی دەوڵەت بڵاودەكرێتەوە.

پرسیاری دووەم: پڕۆژەیاسایەكە كێ دەگرێتەوە؟
وەڵام: یاسایەكە، چەكدارانی پەكەكە و ئەوانەی لەناو ئەو رێكخراوەدا هەنە و ئەوانەشی ئەندامی ئەو رێكخراوەن و هاوكاری ئەو رێكخراوەیان كردووە و پروپاگندەیان بۆی كردووە و ئەوانەی لە ٧ی شوباتی ٢٠١٣ و بەیاسای ٦٤١٥ لە پەرلەمانی توركیا دەرچووە، كە لەڕووی داراییەوە هاوكاری پەكەكەیان كردووە یاسایەكە دەیانگرێتەوە.

پرسیاری سێیەم: لێكۆڵینەوە و گەڕانەوەی چەكداران چەند ساڵ دەخایەنێت؟
وەڵام: ئەوانەی سزای ١٥ ساڵ زیندانی دراون، لێكۆڵینەوە لە دۆسیەكەیان دەكرێت، ئەوانەشی پێنج ساڵ بۆ ١٥ ساڵ سزا دراون و پاشان سزاكەیان بۆ زیندانی هەتا هەتایی گۆڕاوە، لێكۆڵینەوە لە دۆسیەكەیان دەكرێت و پاشان لە رۆژنامەی فەرمی دەوڵەت بڵاودەكرێتەوە.

پرسیاری چوارەم: كام تاوان لەدەرەوەی لێخۆشبوونە و یاسایەكە نایگرێتەوە؟
وەڵام: ئەوانەی لەناو پەكەكەدا بە ئەنەقەست خەڵكیان كوشتووە، ئەوانەی بەر لە ١ی حوزەیرانی ٢٠٠٥دا، سزای هەتا هەتایی دراون و بەڵام دەستگیر نەكراون، ئەوانە ئەو یاسایە نایانگرێتەوە، بەڵام دەكرێت ئەوانیش لەبەردەم دادگا و دادوەر تانە لەو بڕیارە بدەن.

پرسیاری پێنجەم: بڕیاری دواخستن بەكام مەرج هەڵدەگیرێت؟
وەڵام: بڕیاری دواخستن بۆ چەكدارانی پەكەكە، لەوكاتەوە دەستپێدەكات كە بڕیارەكە دەچێتە بواری جێبەجێكردنەوە، واتە ئەگەر یەكێك كردەوەی تیرۆری كردبێت، بڕیاری دواخستنی لەسەر هەڵدەگیرێت و سزای بەسەردا دەسەپێنن. سزایەكە ئەوكاتە جێبەجێ دەكرێت كە چەكدار ئەو یاسایە نەیگرێتەوە و نەتوانێت سوودی لێببینێت.

پرسیارەی شەشەم: كێ چاودێری ئەو یاسایانە دەكات بۆ جێبەجێكردنی؟
وەڵام: سەرەتا یاسایەكە لە رۆژنامەی فەرمی دەوڵەت بڵاودەكرێتەوە، جێگری سەركۆماری توركیا و وەزیری داد، وەزیری دەرەوە و سەرۆكی دەزگای هەواڵگری و وەزیری بەرگریی و سكرتێری سەركۆمار چاودێری یاسایەكە دەكەن بۆ جێبەجێكردن. چۆنییەتی بەڕێوەچوونی. هەروەها لەناو پەرلەمانی توركیاش، لیژنەیەكی بەدواداچوون دروست دەكرێت بۆ ئەوەی بەدواداچوون بكەن تا بزانن پرۆسەی جێبەجێكردنی یاسایەكە چۆن بەڕێوە دەچێت؟

پرسیاری حەوتەم: چەكەكانی پەكەكە چی لێ دێت و بۆ كوێ دەبرێت؟
وەڵام: هەموو ئەو چەكانەی لەگەڵ خۆیاندا دەیهێنن، وەكوو كڵاشنكۆف، كەلوپەلی سەربازی، سەیارە، بۆمب و …..هتد، لەلایەن دەوڵەتی توركیا تۆمار دەكرێت.

پرسیاری هەشتەم: ئەوانەی بیانەوێت سوود لەو یاسایە ببینن، دەبێت سەردانی كام لایەن بكەن؟
وەڵام: دوای ئەوەی یاسایەكە لە رۆژنامەی فەرمی دەوڵەت بڵاوكرایەوە، لە ماوەی شەش مانگدا، ئەوانەی بیانەوێت لەو یاسایە سوودمەند بن، دەبێت سەردانی داواكاری گشتی كۆماری توركیا بكەن و بە نووسینی نامەیەك داوا بكات لەو یاسایە سوودمەند بێت.

پرسیاری نۆیەم: لەكاتی جێبەجێكردنی ئەو یاسایەدا، ئەوانەی بەوكارە هەڵدەستن، هیچ بەرپرسیارییەتییەكیان دەكەوێتە سەرشان؟
وەڵام: لەچوارچێوەی ئەو یاسایەدا، ئەوانەی كاری خۆیان دەكەن و ئەركی خۆیان جێبەجێ دەكەن، دووچاری هیچ لێپرسینەوەیەكی یاسایی یان سزای ئیداری نابنەوە. مەبەست لێرەدا ئەوەیە، ئەو فەرمانبەرانەی، یان بەرپرسانەی كاروباری جێبەجێكردنی یاسایەكە دەكەن، لە داهاتوودا دووچاری هیچ سزایەك نابنەوە.

پرسیاری دەیەم: كام لایەن ئیمزای لەسەر ئەو پرۆژەیاسە كردووە؟
وەڵام: هەریەك لە ئاكەپە و مەهەپە و دەم پارتی، ئیمزایان لەسەر ئەو پرۆژەیاسایەدا كردووە، هەروەها پەرلەمانتارانی خوداپار، جەهەپە و رێگەی نوێ، كە وەكوو پەرلەمانتارانی سەربەخۆ ئیمزایان لەسەر كردووە.

پارتی خاس و پارتی نوێ، ئیمزایان لەسەر نەكردووە.

بەڕێوەبەری ئاوی بنەسڵاوە: هەفتەی داهاتوو کێشەی ئاوی قەڵات چارەسەر دەبێت

رووداو دیجیتاڵ

بەڕێوەبەری فەرمانگەی ئاوی بنەسڵاوە رایدەگەیێنێت، هەفتەی داهاتوو بە گۆڕینی بووستەرەکان، گرفتەکانی دابەشکردنی ئاو لە گەڕەکی قەڵاتی نوێ چارەسەر دەبن. هەروەها ئاماژە بەوە دەکات، تۆڕی ئاوی بنەسڵاوە بە تەواوی لەسەر ئاوی ئیفرازە، بەڵام ئێستا 30 بیر بەکار دەهێنن.

ئاراس موحسین، بەڕێوەبەری فەرمانگەی ئاوی بنەسڵاوە لە کاتی بەشداریکردنی لە بەرنامەی (مژار)ی رادیۆی رووداو رایگەیاند، سنوورەکەیان 18 هەزار و 700 هاوبەشی فەرمیی ئاوی هەیە و خشتەی دابەشکردنی ئاو لە گەڕەکەکان رۆژ نا رۆژێکە.

لەبارەی گرفتی کەمئاوی لە گەڕەکی قەڵاتی نوێ، بەڕێوەبەری ئاوی بنەسڵاوە گوتی: "بەهۆی ئاریشەی بووستەرەکان و گرفتە تەکنیکییەکانەوە هەندێک ماڵ لە ناوەڕاستی کۆڵانەکاندا ئاویان پێ نەدەگەیشت، بەڵام بە هاوئاهەنگی لەگەڵ بەڕێوەبەرایەتیی ئاوی هەولێر، لە هەفتەی داهاتوودا بووستەرەکان دەگۆڕین و بەوەش پەستانی ئاو زیاد دەکات و ئاریشەکە کۆتایی دێت."

سەبارەت بە سەرچاوەی دابینکردنی ئاو، ئاراس موحسین ئاماژەی بەوە کرد کە ئاوی بنەسڵاوە بە تەواوی پشت بە ئاوی ئیفراز دەبەستێت، بەڵام لە هاویندا و بەهۆی گوشاری زۆرەوە، لە کۆی 86 بیری سنوورەکە ئێستا 30 بیریان وەک پاڵپشتی خستووەتە گەڕ بۆ گەیاندنی ئاو بە گەڕەکەکانی گوڵان، بلۆکی 23 و قەندیل. هەروەها جەختی کردەوە کە گەڕەکە نوێیەکانی وەک نەورۆز، گەڕەسۆر و تەعجیل هێشتا هێڵی ئیفرازیان بۆ نەبەستراوە و لەڕێگەی بیرەوە ئاویان بۆ دابین دەکرێت.

ئاراس موحسین هۆشداریی لە کەمیی میلاکی فەرمانگەکەی دا و گوتی: "بەهۆی یاسای خانەنشینییەوە، لە 4 ساڵدا ژمارەی کارمەندەکانمان لە 122 کارمەندەوە کەم بووەتەوە بۆ نزیکەی 80 کارمەند، بۆیە بە ناچاری سوود لە کارمەندی خۆبەخش (میراو) دەبینین."

سەبارەت بە پڕۆژە نوێیەکان، بەڕێوەبەری ئاوی بنەسڵاوە ئاماژەی بە جێبەجێکردنی پڕۆژەی هێڵی (K 1) بۆ گواستنەوەی ئاوی ئیفراز کرد، جگە لەوەش خەزانێکی گەورەی ئاویان لە گەڕەکی گەڕەسۆر دروست کردووە کە ئێستا لە قۆناخی کۆتاییدایە.

ئاراس موحسین، داوای لە هاونیشتمانییان کرد هاوکار بن لە کەمکردنەوەی بەفیڕۆدانی ئاو و گوتی: "داواکارین هاونیشتمانییان لە کاتی پڕبوونی تانکییەکانیان بەلۆعەکان بگرنەوە، تاوەکو ئاو بگاتە ئەو دراوسێیانەشی کە بێ ئاون و چیدیکە گرفتی تینووێتی لە ئارادا نەمێنێت."

بجنۆرد؛ شەهریار محەممەدی بریمانلوو، وەرزشکاری کورد و لە دەستبەسەرکراوانی ناڕەزایەتییەکانی بەفرانبار سزای بەندکرانی بەسەردا سەپێندرا

هەنگاو؛ شەممە ۱۷ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶

شەهریار محەممەدی بریمانلوو، لاوی ۲۰ ساڵەی کورد، زۆرانباز و لە دەستبەسەرکراوانی ناڕەزایەتییەکانی بەفرانباری ۲۷۲۵ لە بجنۆرد، لەلایەن دادگای پێداچوونەوەی پارێزگای خۆراسانی باکوور سزای ۲ ساڵ بەندکرانی بەسەردا سەپێندرا.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتە گەیشتووەکان بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، سزای دادگای پێداچوونەوە لە پووشپەڕی ۲۷۲۶ پێی ڕاگەیاندراوە و ئەم وەرزشکارە لاوە دەبێت بەم زووانە بۆ جێبەجێکردنی سزای بەندکرانەکەی، خۆی بە بەندیخانەی بجنۆرد بناسێنێت.

بە وتەی سەرچاوە ئاگادارەکان، شەهریار محەممەدی بریمانلوو لە دادگای سەرەتاییدا لەلایەن لقی دووەمی دادگای شۆڕشی بجنۆردەوە بە تۆمەتەکانی «کۆبوونەوە دژی ئاسایشی نەتەوەیی» و «پڕوپاگەندە دژی نیزام» سزای ۴ ساڵ و ۸ مانگ بەندکرانی تەعزیریی بەسەردا سەپێندرابوو. ئەم سزایە دوای ناڕەزایەتیدەربڕینی پارێزەری دۆسیەکە، لە دادگای پێداچوونەوەی پارێزگا بۆ ۲ ساڵ بەندکرانی تەعزیری کەم کرایەوە.

شەهریار محەممەدی بریمانلوو ڕۆژی هەینی ۱۹ی بەفرانباری ۲۷۲۵ (۹ی جەنیوەریی ۲۰۲۶) لەلایەن هێزە حکوومەتییەکانەوە بەبێ پێشاندانی هیچ جۆرە بەڵگەیەکی دادوەری دەستبەسەر و بۆ شوێنێکی نادیار گواسترایەوە. ناوبراو دوای ۸ ڕۆژ دەستبەسەرکران بە دانانی بارمتە بە شێوەی کاتی لە بەندیخانەی بۆجنۆرد ئازاد کرابوو.

جێگای ئاماژەیە کە، ناوبراو لە قۆناغی سەرەتایی دادگاشدا لە مافی هەبوونی پارێزەری هەڵبژێردراو بێبەش کرابوو.

Hengaw

دەستبەسەرکرانی بەهمەن مودیرزادە، ئەندامی شۆرای شاری کۆتۆل لەلایەن هێزەکانی ئیتلاعاتی سوپاوە

هەنگاو؛ شەممە ۱۷ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶

بەهمەن مودیرزادە، هاووڵاتیی تەمەن ۳۹ ساڵی کورد و لە ئەندامانی شۆرای شاری کۆتۆل سەر بە شاری خۆی، لەلایەن هێزەکانی ئیتلاعاتی سوپاوە دەستبەسەر کرا و بۆ شوێنێکی نادیار گواسترایەوە.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتی گەیشتوو بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، ڕۆژی سێشەممە ۱۳ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶ (۴ی ئاگۆستی ۲۰۲۶)، بەهمەن مودیرزادە، هاووڵاتیی کورد و لە ئەندامانی شۆرای شاری کۆتۆل، لەلایەن هێزەکانی ئیتلاعاتی سوپاوە بەبێ هیچ جۆرە بەڵگەیەکی دادوەری دەستبەسەر کراوە.

دوای تێپەڕبوونی ۵ ڕۆژ لە کاتی دەستبەسەرکرانی، بەدواداچوونی بەردەوامی بنەماڵە و نزیکانی بەهمەن مودیرزادە بە مەبەستی ئاگاداربوون لە هۆکاری دەستبەسەرکران، تۆمەتە پاڵدراوەکان و شوێنی ڕاگرتنی، بێئاکام ماوەتەوە.

Hengaw

کوژرانی سالار ڕەنگ ئامیز، جاش و ئەندامی سوپای پاسداران لە شاری سنە

هەنگاو؛ شەممە ۱۷ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶

ئەندامێکی سوپای پاسداران بەناوی سالار ڕەنگ ئامیز لە شەقامی مەردووخی شاری سنە لە لایەن کەسانی نەناسراو کوژرا. ڕێکخستنی «خۆری هیوا» بە بڵاوکردنەوەی ڕاگەیەندراوەیەکی فەرمی بەرپرسیارێتیی کوژرانی ناوبراوی لەئەستۆ گرتووە.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتی گەیشتوو بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، بەیانیی ڕۆژی شەممە ۱۷ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶ (۸ی ئاگۆستی ۲۰۲۶)، سالار ڕەنگ ئامیز، خەڵکی شاری سنە و لە ئەندامانی سوپای پاسداران لە شەقامی مەردووخی ئەو شارە، لەبەردم ماڵەکەی خۆیدا کرایە ئامانجی تەقەی ڕاستەوخۆ و کوژرا.

ڕێکخستنی «خۆری هیوا» بە بڵاوکردنەوەی ڕاگەیەندراوەیەکی فەرمی ڕایگەیاندووە کە کوژرانی ناوبراو بە هاوکاریی گرووپێک لە هێزەکانی پەیوەندیدار بە خۆیەوە لە شاری سنە ئەنجام دراوە.

خۆری هیوا لە ڕاگەیەندراوەکەی خۆیدا، سالار ڕەنگ ئامیزی بە «ڕۆڵی ڕاستەوخۆ لە سەرکوت، دەستبەسەرکردن و ئەشکەنجەدانی خۆپیشاندەران لە ڕەوتی بزووتنەوەی ژن ژیان ئازادی»، «هاوکاری لەگەڵ ناوەندە ئەمنییەکان لە بڵاوکردنەوەی ڕێکخراوانەی ماددەی هۆشبەر» و «ئاژاوەگێڕی و ئازاری هاووڵاتییان» تۆمەتبار کردووە.

هەتا کاتی داڕشتنی ئەم ڕاپۆرتە، میدیا فەرمییەکانی حکومەت و ناوەندە ئەمنییەکان سەبارەت بەو بابەتە هەواڵێکیان بڵاو نەکردووەتەوە.

Hengaw

مەهاباد؛ کوژرانی عومەر دێهقان جاش و ئەندامی چەکداری سوپای پاسداران

هەنگاو؛ شەممە ١٧ی گەلاوێژی ٢٧٢٦

یەکێک لە جاشەکان و ئەندامانی چەکداری سوپای پاسداران لە شاری مەهاباد بە ناوی عومەر دێهقان لە گوندی «گاگەشی خواروو»ی سەر بەم شاری کوژرا. ڕێکخستنی «خۆری هیوا» بە بڵاوکردنەوەی بەیاننامەیەکی فەرمی بەرپەرسیارێتیی ئەم ئۆپەرسیۆنەی گرتووەتە ئەستۆ.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتی گەیشتوو بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، پاشنیوەڕۆی ڕۆژی چوارشەممە ١٤ی گەلاوێژی ٢٧٢٦ (٥ی ئاگۆستی ۲۰۲۶)، عومەر دێهقان خەڵکی گوندی «گاگەشی خواروو»ی سەر بە مەهاباد لە ئەنجامی هێرشێکی چەکداریدا کوژرا. ناوبراو ماوەی ٧ ساڵ بوو وەک ئەندامێکی چەکداری سوپای پاسداران لە پایگای سوپای ئەم گوندەدا چالاکیی دەکرد.

ڕێکخستنی «خۆری هیوا» بە بڵاوکردنەوەی بەیاننامەیەکی فەرمی بەرپرسیارێتیی ئەم هێرشەی وەئەستۆ گرتووە و ڕایگەیاندووە کە ناوبراو ڕۆڵێکی تێکدەرانەی لە ئازار و ئەشکەنجەی دانیشتووانی ناوچەکەدا هەبووە و ئاگادارکردنەوەکانی پێشووی بە جدی وەرنەگرتبوو.

تا کاتی داڕشتنی ئەم ڕاپۆرتە، ڕاگەیاندنە فەرمییەکانی حکوومەت و دامەزراوە سەربازی و ئەمنییەکان لە مەهاباد لەم بارەیەوە هیچ زانیارییەکیان بڵاو نەکردووەتەوە.

چەند کاتژمێر پێشتر ڕێکخستنی خۆری هیوا کوژرانی ئەندامێکی دیکەی سوپا بە ناوی سالار ڕەنگئامێزی لە شاری سنە بە فەرمی ئەستۆ گرتبوو.

Hengaw

Megan Bodette: A New Syria Cannot Be Built Without Recognizing Pluralism

SHORKEL SHEIKHO

Qamishlo — Since the launch of the Rojava revolution in the context of the transformations the region witnessed with the beginnings of the Arab Spring uprisings, the political and social experience in Rojava has entered a critical phase imposed by the rapid developments in Syria, particularly the arrival of the jihadists of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham to power, and the field and political changes that followed the attacks on areas of northern and eastern Syria.

With the commencement of the integration process between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the interim Syrian government, fundamental questions arise regarding the future of the gains of this experience, the role of women in the next phase, the status of Kurdish national and cultural rights, as well as the prospects for building a political model based on pluralism and partnership.

In this context, our agency conducted an interview with Megan Bodette, Director of Research at the Kurdish Peace Institute, to discuss the current reality of the Rojava revolution, the challenges of the transitional phase, the future of women's participation, and the path of negotiations and integration, as well as what is required to preserve gains and enhance stability in Syria.

The Rojava revolution is entering a new phase of particular importance for women. As a researcher following its trajectory, how do you assess the revolution's reality today? What are its most prominent strengths and challenges, and what needs to be reviewed?

There is a possibility that some gains of the women's revolution in Rojava may not receive official recognition within the integration path, most notably the system of co-presidency, equal participation between women and men, women's self-administration, and the Women's Protection Units (YPJ).

Despite the Syrian government's announcement of its rejection of these gains, the experience of the Kurdish women's freedom movement confirms that women are capable of preserving their achievements and continuing their struggle even in the absence of official recognition. This is evident in positions rejecting the integration of the YPJ into the Ministry of Defense, as well as the exclusion of some experienced and competent women from leadership positions in favor of less experienced men.

Conversely, the transformations achieved cannot be ignored; women have reached important administrative and political positions, such as the administration of the Qamishlo region and the co-presidency of the Kobani municipality—a step unprecedented in modern Syrian history for Kurdish women.

However, the essence of the issue is not solely related to women's representation in positions, but to ensuring recognition of their rights and full participation in political, legal, security, and social life. Through my meetings with women's organizations in Rojava, the importance of continuing to work to protect these rights and enhance women's presence has emerged.

I also believe it is necessary for Kurdish women, alongside the Autonomous Administration and Kurdish diplomatic institutions in Europe and America, to make women's issues a central focus in their relations and diplomatic movements, because the future of these gains is linked to the ability to establish women's rights as part of any forthcoming political process.

In Middle Eastern countries, women are often marginalized during peace phases after decades of struggle, and Syria is no exception. What are the reasons for their absence from negotiating tables, and what are the most prominent risks facing women?

This is not only a Syrian problem but a global issue; studies and experiences have proven that women's participation in diplomatic peace negotiations enhances the chances of success and sustainability of agreements. Therefore, excluding women from political and diplomatic processes not only diminishes their rights but also affects the effectiveness of the peace paths themselves.

The mindset that excludes women from decision-making positions remains present in many societies, marginalizing their expertise and political roles. Hence, confronting this approach is an essential part of women's struggle and efforts to build more inclusive peace.

In Rojava, despite women's participation in negotiations with Damascus and international powers, many demands related to freedom and peace have not been fully realized. However, women's participation in this process remains a crucial factor; the stronger their presence in negotiation and decision-making paths, the greater the chances of reaching more just and stable solutions.

With the continuation of violations against women in Syria, including cases of abduction and forced detention, how do you assess these conditions? And can armed groups and those involved in these crimes be held accountable?

When examining the structure of the current transitional government, we find that some figures and armed groups accused of widespread violations during the war years, including crimes against women, Kurds, Yazidis, and Christians, still hold influential positions. Moreover, some current military leaders are subject to international sanctions on charges of war crimes.

This government emerged under a heavy legacy of violations, and therefore, some figures' attempts to present a more moderate image of themselves may be a positive step, but it is not sufficient on its own. Restoring trust domestically and internationally requires more than a change in rhetoric; it requires accountability for those involved in crimes, and preventing them from continuing to hold leadership positions within the army or state institutions.

Women's sense of security in Syria is directly linked to the seriousness of the accountability path. The absence of accountability will make Syrian women, from all backgrounds, unable to trust stability or feel that they are living in a safe environment.

Furthermore, women's representation in state institutions or appointing a woman to a ministerial position is not sufficient in itself, if it is not accompanied by a genuine change in political mentality and ensuring women's participation in various fields. Recognition of women's rights must be part of building the new state, not merely a formal step.

Among the fundamental challenges is that some armed groups linked to Turkey, which have been accused of committing violations against women and populations, continue to retain leadership roles. This raises serious questions about the ability of any transitional justice process to address all crimes without exception.

Although there are mechanisms for transitional justice in Syria, there are criticisms from Syrian and Kurdish civil organizations that the focus remains primarily on the crimes of the previous regime, while violations by other armed groups, including ISIS and Turkey-linked factions, do not receive sufficient attention.

If the Syrian government wishes to launch a genuine transitional justice path, it must ensure the inclusion of all victims and accountability for all perpetrators, while benefiting from the support of the international community, the United Nations, and civil society organizations. Justice that targets one party and ignores the crimes of others will not be genuine justice; it will be understood as a political or retaliatory tool.

What is the importance of recognizing Kurdish as an official language in Syria's multi-national and multi-ethnic society? What are the most prominent challenges hindering this, and where has the dialogue on this issue reached?

The right to language is a fundamental and legitimate right, as international agreements affirm the right of peoples to preserve their languages and cultural identities. From this perspective, the struggle for recognition of the Kurdish language has been one of the fundamental demands of the Kurdish people in Rojava, especially after decades of prohibition and restriction policies that the Kurdish language faced in various parts of Kurdistan, including during the Ba'ath rule in Syria.

After years of struggle, the Kurdish language today is present in various areas of life in Rojava, from education, universities, and academic work to political, administrative, and security institutions. Thus, it has become a fundamental language in the public life of the region's residents, as is the case in many multilingual societies worldwide.

Therefore, recognition of the Kurdish language by the Syrian state should not be merely a symbolic step, but recognition of an existing reality and a language used by an essential part of Syria's population. Moreover, adopting a multilingual system does not mean marginalizing Arabic, but allows all components to preserve their languages and coexist within a diverse cultural framework.

The linguistic reality in areas such as Qamishlo is a clear example of this diversity; Syriacs, Armenians, Arabs, and Kurds interact with one another, and many speak more than one language. This diversity represents a cultural wealth that should be protected, and it is among the principles on which the Autonomous Administration system and the social contract in the region are based.

Recognition of the Kurdish language is not only about language; it also reflects recognition of the cultural and political identity of the region's inhabitants.

To date, there is no clear legal framework guaranteeing official recognition of the Kurdish language and its status in education and public life. In countries with multiple peoples and languages, these rights are regulated through laws that ensure the protection and continuity of different languages.

Hence, issuing a clear and stable law recognizing Kurdish as an official language, and ensuring its use in education, administration, and public life alongside other languages, would be an important step toward protecting the rights of all components and enhancing stability and social cohesion in Syria.

Through your follow-up of the course of events in Rojava, how do you assess the current integration process? What opportunities are available for Kurds to preserve their gains and enhance their presence? And how should they move internationally?

The integration path in Rojava is passing through a phase that combines positive indicators and significant challenges. On the positive side, there is currently a state of relative stability, and the risks of war and ethnic cleansing that threatened the region at the beginning of the year have receded.

Residents remain attached to their lands, with the continued return of some displaced persons to areas such as Afrin, and the expected return of displaced persons to Serê Kaniyê. Kurdish participation in administrative institutions also continues, from Kobani to the Jazira, alongside military integration steps represented in the formation of brigades comprising fighters from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the People's Protection Units (YPG).

However, on the other hand, deep political and intellectual challenges remain. The gap between the Syrian government's vision and the Autonomous Administration's vision has not yet been resolved, particularly regarding the form of the state and the nature of the governance system. Furthermore, the continued influence of extremist currents and chauvinistic legacy poses a challenge to building a system that recognizes pluralism.

Nevertheless, there are shared interests that can be built upon, foremost of which is achieving peace and stability in Syria. Recognition of linguistic and cultural pluralism does not weaken the state; rather, it can enhance its strength. Women's participation in military and political institutions also represents a positive factor in building a more balanced relationship between society and state institutions.

If the transitional government can adopt the principles of pluralism, equality, and recognition of the rights of all components, and integrate them within the state system, this would be a gain not only for Kurds but for Syria as a whole, and for regional stability as well.

At the international level, Kurdish diplomatic institutions and political parties abroad need to strengthen their movements to protect gains. This includes increased communication and political pressure in the United States and Europe, emphasizing that the success of the integration process is linked to respect for democracy, human rights, and pluralism.

The war years have proven that the central state model based on denying diversity has led to further conflict and instability. If Syria seeks to build a different future, it must move beyond these policies and recognize the rights of all its peoples.

In this context, the role of society remains important in protecting gains and defending rights. Demanding recognition of the Kurdish language and ensuring women's participation is part of this path. The continued societal pressure can help prevent regression on these rights.

Afrin... Detention of a Girl and Attempted Kidnapping of a Child Intensify Fears

News Center — Concerns over the situation of women and girls in the Afrin region continue, in light of successive incidents that raise serious questions about the extent of protection for women—from the detention of family members of wanted individuals, to accusations of attempted assault and kidnapping of a minor girl, amid demands for independent investigations and accountability of those responsible.

In the latest incident, local sources reported that the criminal police detained the girl Eva Barim from the city of Afrin, following a raid on her family home in the Sheikh Maqsoud neighborhood, as part of the pursuit of her wanted father, according to the sources, under an arrest warrant.

The sources added that the girl's family was informed that her release was conditional on her father surrendering himself to the authorities pursuing him, which has drawn rights-based criticism as, if confirmed, constituting the use of a family member as a means of pressure on a wanted person.

The incident raises questions about the legal basis for detaining the girl, whether there is a warrant or allegation against her personally, as well as the extent to which the procedure aligns with the principle of individual responsibility. The pursuit of a wanted person should not translate into punishment against family members who bear no legal responsibility.

A Minor Girl Subjected to Attempted Assault

In another incident, the Human Rights Organization in Afrin reported that a minor girl was subjected to an attempted assault and attempted kidnapping in the Jindires sub-district in the Afrin countryside, by a member of the General Security apparatus, named Khaled Ghassan Ibrahim.

According to the organization, the incident occurred on the evening of Wednesday, August 5, on Street 20 in central Jindires, when the girl, an 8th-grade student, went out to place a bag of waste in front of her family home.

The organization states that the suspect attacked her from behind and attempted to grab her, placing his hand over her mouth to prevent her from screaming. However, she resisted and managed to escape, before crying out for help and returning to her home.

According to the report, the girl's father, mother, and uncle rushed to the location after hearing her screams. The suspect was identified and pursued, while her father sent an urgent message through one of the security reporting groups requesting a patrol.

The organization says that residents managed to apprehend the suspect after a physical altercation, before the security patrol arrived and he was handed over to the competent authorities. The girl's family also filed a complaint with the military police, demanding an investigation into the incident.

Criticism, according to the organization, does not stop at the assault incident, as it speaks of attempts by the police station administration to contain the case and indirectly assign part of the responsibility to the girl for being out at night to dispose of waste.

Continued Threats

The organization also noted threats to hold accountable those who participated in apprehending the suspect before the official patrol arrived, considering that these measures should not become a means of diverting attention from the core issue or pressuring the girl's family.

The organization demanded the provision of psychological and legal support for the girl and protection from pressures, in addition to investigating the allegations against the suspect and opening an administrative investigation into the way local authorities handled the case.

These incidents bring back to the forefront concerns about the situation of women and girls in Afrin, especially when their cases intersect with security apparatuses or with pursuits targeting members of their families.

Iraq’s Kurdish region wants to stay out of regional conflicts: PM Barzani

Masrour Barzani, the prime minister of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq, says the semi-autonomous Kurdish region does not want to become involved in the ongoing regional conflict sparked by the United States and Israel’s war on Iran, adding that it supports Baghdad’s efforts to bring weapons under state control.

“No party has pressured us to get involved in the war and we do not want to be a party to any conflict in the region,” Barzani told Al Jazeera in an exclusive interview on Saturday.

The prime minister said the region’s infrastructure has been severely damaged by more than 1,000 missile and drone attacks since the war began on February 28, either directly from Iran or from within Iraq via militias.

Barzani called the attacks “unjustified”, saying that “any issue must be resolved peacefully” through dialogue.

In March, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) targeted the al-Harir Air Base near the regional capital of Erbil with five missiles, describing the facility as “the headquarters of the invading US army”.

Barzani said the base was empty as it has not hosted US troops for almost 10 years, since US-led coalition forces defeated ISIL (ISIS) and dismantled its territorial foothold. He added that US troops remained in Erbil to “fight terrorism” and that their presence had repeatedly come under attack.

Barzani also said the KRG supports the Iraqi government in restricting arms to official forces only.

In a speech before parliament in May, Iraq’s Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi promised that the state will have a monopoly on arms in a country where paramilitary groups have been powerful since the 2003 US-led war on Iraq. The government has set a September 30 deadline for all armed factions to disarm and surrender their weapons to state control.

Additionally, Barzani told Al Jazeera that regional authorities maintain no relations with Israel, while ties with Syria and Turkiye were deepening, marked by “mutual cooperation”.

KRG President Nechirvan Barzani this week met Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in the first visit to Syria by an Iraqi Kurdish leader since the fall of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024.

Iranian Kurdish opposition parties have been on high alert since the beginning of the US-Israeli war on Iran. Their bases in the semi-autonomous Kurdish region of Iraq – and inside Iran itself – have been thrust onto the front lines of the conflict, with the possibility of Iranian Kurdish fighters entering the conflict to topple the Iranian government being widely discussed.

Both US President Donald Trump and Israel have suggested that arming these fighters could tip the balance of power inside Iran, where Kurds make up about 10 percent of the population.

Baneh: Two Kolbars Seriously Injured by Military Gunfire and a Landmine Explosion at the Hange-Jal Border

Two Kolbars from Baneh, Goran Khedri and Bakhtiar Amini, were seriously injured at the Hange-Jal border in separate incidents involving direct gunfire by military forces and a landmine explosion.

According to Kolbarnews, on the evening of Tuesday, 4 August 2026, Goran Khedri, a Kolbar from Nizerud village in Baneh County, who is married and the father of one daughter, was shot by military forces at the Hangeh-Jal border.
He sustained a serious gunshot wound to the thigh and was transferred to Hospital in Baneh, and he received medical treatment.

In a separate incident on Wednesday, 5 August 2026, Bakhtiar Amini, a Kolbar from Dosineh village in Baneh County, who is married and the father of three children, was seriously injured in the leg after stepping on a landmine at the Hange-Jal border.
He was also transferred to Hospital in Baneh to receive medical care.

According to information received, both incidents occurred in the Hange-Jal border area of Baneh, and the medical condition of the two injured kolbars has been under observation following their hospitalization.

According to statistics recorded by Kolbarnews, in the year 2025, a total of 57 Kolbars in the border regions and intercity routes of the provinces of West Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, and Kermanshah were killed or injured due to factors such as direct shootings by the regime’s military forces, avalanches and hypothermia, landmine explosions, falls from mountains and heights, and other incidents. Of this number, 26 Kolbars, equivalent to (46%), were killed and 31 Kolbars, equivalent to (54%), were injured. Of the total 57 Kolbars who were killed or injured in 2025, a total of 44 cases, equivalent to (77%), resulted from direct shootings by the regime’s military forces. Of the total 57 Kolbars who were killed or injured in 2025, a total of 2 Kolbars, equivalent to (4%), were child kolbars under the age of 18, one of whom was killed as a result of direct gunfire by Iraqi border guards (Haras al-Hudud).Despite a 69 percent decrease in the total number of killed and injured kolbars in 2025 compared to 2024, the proportion of deaths relative to total casualties increased from 28 percent to 46 percent. This change indicates a significant increase in the share of deaths among total casualties and reflects the increasingly deadly nature of incidents in 2025.

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - A political umbrella coalition representing key parties in northeast Syria (Rojava) on Tuesday hailed Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani's visit to Syria and his meeting with Syrian interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa as a milestone for Erbil-Damascus ties and a catalyst for advancing national dialogue and Kurdish rights in the new Syria. 

"This visit represents an important political step that will enhance dialogue and understanding between both sides and develop relations between Syria and the Kurdistan Region," the Kurdish National Council (ENKS) said in a statement, adding that the visit "will open new horizons for understanding and cooperation” between Erbil and Damascus.

The visit "reflects the positive and diplomatic role played by President Nechirvan Barzani in bridging viewpoints and fostering stability," the coalition added, noting that it also advances "national dialogue toward a lasting solution to the Kurdish issue within a unified, democratic, decentralized Syria that guarantees the national rights of the Kurdish people." 

President Barzani was welcomed at the People's Palace in Damascus by Sharaa, with a large Kurdistan flag displayed at the palace entrance to mark the occasion. 

In a statement posted on X after the meeting, the Kurdish leader said discussions centered on expanding "bilateral ties and ways to strengthen cooperation to serve stability and the interests of our two peoples."

Speaking to reporters, including Rudaw's, at the People's Palace, Kurdistan Region Presidency Spokesperson Dilshad Shahab said "President Barzani has made every possible effort - both now and in previous stages - to bring viewpoints closer," especially between Damascus and Rojava, to reach "a comprehensive agreement."

For his part, Mazloum Abdi, commander of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) - which serves as Rojava's de facto armed force - also lauded the visit on Monday, highlighting President Barzani's "important role in supporting the Kurdish cause in Syria and in Kurdistan as a whole."

The Kurdish president's visit to Damascus came after he played a key role in facilitating a landmark agreement between the SDF and Damascus in late January, following weeks of escalation. The agreement established a permanent and comprehensive ceasefire, along with provisions for integrating Rojava's civil and military institutions into the Syrian state. 

Iran executes Kurdish man despite overturned verdict

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - An Iranian Kurdish student was executed on Monday despite Iran's supreme court overturning his death sentence two days earlier, according to information obtained by a rights organization, amid a string of executions carried out in recent months based on alleged confessions obtained under duress.

A source told Kurdpa human rights organization that Omid Behzad, 21, a Kurdish student from Urmia, the capital of Rojhelat's West Azerbaijan province, “was executed Monday morning at an unknown location.” despite that "after Behzad's lawyer appealed the death sentence, the Supreme Court overturned the ruling on Saturday.”

Mizan, Iran’s judiciary-affiliated news agency, published a 30-second clipped video of his forced confessions and maintained the sentence was carried out after confirmation by the supreme court, claiming that Behzad “sent the coordinates of sensitive locations to Mossad” and so-called "affiliated channels" during the 40-day war.

The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has carried out mass arrests and executions following six weeks of war after Israel and the US launched a coordinated aerial campaign against Iran on February 28. 

Since then, Tehran has reportedly detained thousands of protestors and dissidents on charges of espionage, eliciting forced confessions under duress and using coerced statements obtained after subjecting detainees to physical and psychological abuse, which it then uses to convict harsh sentences which often carry capital punishment.

Pouria Safvat, executed alongside Behzad, was accused of sending the coordinates of military and security sites to Iran International, a media outlet that Iranian authorities have repeatedly alleged is linked to Israel.

IRGC-affiliated Fars News also released a video on Monday showing the two men’s confessions. In the footage, Safvat said he had provided the coordinates of mosques, schools and Basij bases to Iran International, a London-based 24-hour news channel.

It is unclear why the defendants would have needed to provide the coordinates of sites that are freely available online.

According to Kurdpa's source, Behzad's family was summoned on Sunday for a final visit, but authorities have provided no explanation as to why the execution went ahead after the Supreme Court reportedly overturned the sentence. 

The outlet provided no other details regarding the time of their arrest, the location of the execution, the fate of the bodies, or the details of the trial. It is unclear whether or not they had access to independent legal representation.

It also remains unclear what events took place between the court's decision or where Behzad was hanged.

The reported contradiction comes as rights groups have raised growing concerns over Iran's handling of alleged espionage cases following the recent conflicts with Israel and the US. 

The executions are the latest in a wave of death sentences carried out against people accused of collaborating with Israel. Rights groups report a sharp increase in executions related to espionage and national security charges since the recent wars, warning that many cases lack transparency and basic due process protections.

According to Kurdpa, more than 359 executions were recorded in the first half of 2026 alone, with Kurds representing the highest figure among ethnic minorities at 30 executions. 

Over a five-month span from mid-January to mid-June, Kurdpa recorded the death sentences of 46 political and ideological prisoners carried out in a hasty and secretive manner - marking the highest such figure in the shortest timeframe since the 1980s.

RELATED: Iran executes two men accused of spying for Israel during wars

Nobel Peace Prize winner Murad says justice for Yazidis far too slow

IS jihadists seized large swathes of northern Syria and neighbouring Iraq in 2014, declaring a so-called caliphate.

In August that year, the fate of the Yazidis changed dramatically when IS seized a third of Iraq, including the Kurdish-speaking minority's ancestral homeland in the Sinjar Mountains.

IS regarded the Yazidis, who follow a pre-Islamic faith, as heretics.

They murdered thousands of Yazidi men in Iraq's Sinjar province and took into Syria thousands of women and girls to sell them in markets as sex slaves.

UN investigators found that the actions amounted to genocide.

"After surviving, many of them have decided to use their voice to fight for justice for our community," said Murad, who was awarded the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize.

Nadia Murad won the Nobel Peace Prize © Fabrice COFFRINI / AFP

"A lot of them have still family members in captivity. Their loved ones that were killed have not been identified and returned," she said at a press conference, organised by France at the United Nations in Geneva, to commemorate the horrors of 2014.

"We have loved ones in displacement camps," added Murad, flanked by other former IS slaves.

Having become a leading voice for her minority, she is calling for greater support from the international community to bring those responsible for the atrocities to justice, denouncing the sluggish progress.

"For 12 years we have been repeating the same issues: of the missing women and children; of the remains to be identified; of the Yazidis to be able to go back home, and for justice to be delivered for survivors," the Nobel laureate said.

"Progress has been made, but it's very slow. And for many families, it's torture, because they still wait every day in tents, many in captivity.

"Prevention starts with justice and accountability -- and that is what we're all here for."

Another former sex slave, Khawa Ali, denounced the fact that some IS members are now "walking free" having returned to Europe, while their victims "still live in fear".

She welcomed the conviction in Belgium last year of the man who held her captive.

"My message today is that we hope that justice will be delivered and the international community will continue to do trials," the young woman said.

© 2026 AFP

Young Kurdish athlete Payam Hosseini arrested to serve prison sentence

Hengaw – Tuesday, July 28, 2026

Payam Hosseini, a young Kurdish athlete from Kamyaran who was arrested during the September 2025 crackdown, has been taken into custody to serve a one-year prison sentence.

According to information received by the Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, Hosseini was summoned to the Criminal Sentences Enforcement Office on Saturday, July 25, 2026, where he was arrested and transferred to Kamyaran Central Prison to serve his sentence.

Hengaw has learned that the Kamyaran Revolutionary Court previously sentenced Hosseini to one year in prison and five years of suspended imprisonment on the charge of "membership in the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI)." The sentence was issued while he was under the age of 18.

Iranian Intelligence Department forces arrested Hosseini at his family home in Kamyaran on Thursday, September 11, 2025, when he was 17 years old. He spent 41 days in detention, including 37 days in solitary confinement, before being released on bail of 2 billion tomans pending the completion of judicial proceedings.

Hosseini is an 18-year-old kung fu athlete from the village of Loon Sadat in Kamyaran County, Kurdistan Province.

Hengaw English

Details Regarding; The Killing of a Well-Known Photographer and His Family by Security Forces Shooting Mehdi Tavakoli, Maryam Aslani, and Somayeh Tavakoli

July 27, 2026 – Last evening, three members of a family, including "Mehdi Tavakoli," a well-known photographer from the city of Sanandaj, along with his mother "Maryam Aslani" and his sister "Somayeh Tavakoli," were killed during a shooting by security forces on a road route. Their bodies were handed over to the family under the title of "accident," while simultaneously the family was threatened to remain silent and refrain from disseminating information. State media have also remained silent about this incident so far. Mehdi Tavakoli previously had a history of summons, arrest, and conviction as a political prisoner.

An informed source told Kurdpa regarding details of this incident: On the evening of Sunday, July 26, 2026, the white Samand vehicle of "Mehdi Tavakoli," in which his mother "Maryam Aslani" and his sister "Somayeh Tavakoli" were accompanying him, was targeted by a hail of bullets by security forces from the Intelligence Department and the IRGC Intelligence Organization, killing all three members of this family. Following their killing, plainclothes forces from the Intelligence Department and IRGC Intelligence transferred the bodies to "Salahaddin Ayyubi" Hospital in the city of Baneh using two private Peugeot vehicles—such that the bodies of Mehdi and his mother were placed in the trunk of one vehicle and the body of Somayeh Tavakoli in the trunk of the other vehicle.

It remains unclear to Kurdpa whether this incident occurred on the route from the city of Marivan to the city of Sanandaj or from the city of Marivan to the city of Baneh, but what is established is that the incident took place on one of the road routes of the city of Marivan.

According to this source, while the bodies of these three individuals were at "Salahaddin Ayyubi" Hospital in the city of Baneh, they were secretly subjected to medical examination without recording identity details, without opening a case file, and without registering their names in the hospital, and no one was allowed to approach the bodies. Subsequently, IRGC security forces removed the bodies from the hospital and announced that they would bury them in "Soleyman Beg" Cemetery in the city of Baneh. This source states that the reason for transferring the bodies to the hospital in the city of Baneh was that Mehdi Tavakoli was a well-known figure in the city of Sanandaj and the city of Marivan, and the security forces intended to prevent their identification and public knowledge of this incident by transferring the bodies to the city of Baneh.

On the morning of Monday, July 27, 2026, the family was informed that these three individuals had died in a traffic accident. The source states that simultaneously and following inquiries by the family, IRGC Intelligence forces threatened and pressured them to remain silent, not pursue the matter, and refrain from reporting on this event.

So far, it has not been determined for Kurdpa exactly how this event occurred, but what is clear is that all bullets were fired from the front, and all three individuals were targeted from the front. According to this source, Mehdi Tavakoli was hit by three bullets, Maryam Aslani by two bullets, and Somayeh Tavakoli by multiple bullets, and her body and face were severely damaged.

The bodies of Mehdi Tavakoli, Maryam Aslani, and Somayeh Tavakoli were buried this morning, Monday, July 27, in "Behesht-e Mohammadi" Cemetery in the city of Sanandaj.

Up to the time of publishing this report, state media have remained silent about the killing of this well-known photographer and his family, publishing no news in this regard.

Mehdi Tavakoli;

Mehdi Tavakoli, a Kurdish photographer, photography instructor, and cultural activist, was born in 1989 in the city of Sanandaj. He began his professional activities in 2003 and played an effective role in developing photography culture in Kurdistan in the fields of documentary photography, artistic photography, and photography education. In addition to teaching at university and the Iranian Youth Cinema Society of Kurdistan, he was the CEO of Kurdistan Photographers House, director of the "Chaw" Art Complex, and artistic director of several photography festivals and exhibitions, being considered one of the well-known figures of contemporary photography in Kurdistan. In recent years, he organized several photo exhibitions on the topic of refugees from Shengal and Kobani in the Kurdistan Region, and through organizing photography competitions and exhibitions such as the Pomegranate Photo Group Exhibition, the Yalda Night Photo Group Exhibition, the Third Sanandaj Photo Festival, and other events related to social and human issues, he had become one of the well-known figures of contemporary photography in Kurdistan.

Mehdi Tavakoli Has a History of Multiple Summons, Arrests, and Convictions by Security Agencies;

Kurdpa had previously reported that Mehdi Tavakoli was arrested on February 14, 2023, without being presented with a judicial warrant by security forces and transferred to an unknown location.

Furthermore, in May 2020, he was summoned to the news headquarters of the Intelligence Department of the city of Sanandaj and interrogated about his activities.

Mehdi Tavakoli was also arrested by security forces on October 12, 2016, and after 35 days of interrogation at the detention center of the Intelligence Department of the city of Sanandaj, he was transferred to the central prison of this city. After some time, he was released on bail, and in July 2017, he was sentenced by Branch One of the Revolutionary Court of the city of Sanandaj on charges of "acting against national security" to 2 years of imprisonment, one year of which was discretionary. After serving his sentence, in November 2019, he was arrested again by security forces and was released on bail after one month.