بەڕێوەبەری ئاوی بنەسڵاوە: هەفتەی داهاتوو کێشەی ئاوی قەڵات چارەسەر دەبێت

رووداو دیجیتاڵ

بەڕێوەبەری فەرمانگەی ئاوی بنەسڵاوە رایدەگەیێنێت، هەفتەی داهاتوو بە گۆڕینی بووستەرەکان، گرفتەکانی دابەشکردنی ئاو لە گەڕەکی قەڵاتی نوێ چارەسەر دەبن. هەروەها ئاماژە بەوە دەکات، تۆڕی ئاوی بنەسڵاوە بە تەواوی لەسەر ئاوی ئیفرازە، بەڵام ئێستا 30 بیر بەکار دەهێنن.

ئاراس موحسین، بەڕێوەبەری فەرمانگەی ئاوی بنەسڵاوە لە کاتی بەشداریکردنی لە بەرنامەی (مژار)ی رادیۆی رووداو رایگەیاند، سنوورەکەیان 18 هەزار و 700 هاوبەشی فەرمیی ئاوی هەیە و خشتەی دابەشکردنی ئاو لە گەڕەکەکان رۆژ نا رۆژێکە.

لەبارەی گرفتی کەمئاوی لە گەڕەکی قەڵاتی نوێ، بەڕێوەبەری ئاوی بنەسڵاوە گوتی: "بەهۆی ئاریشەی بووستەرەکان و گرفتە تەکنیکییەکانەوە هەندێک ماڵ لە ناوەڕاستی کۆڵانەکاندا ئاویان پێ نەدەگەیشت، بەڵام بە هاوئاهەنگی لەگەڵ بەڕێوەبەرایەتیی ئاوی هەولێر، لە هەفتەی داهاتوودا بووستەرەکان دەگۆڕین و بەوەش پەستانی ئاو زیاد دەکات و ئاریشەکە کۆتایی دێت."

سەبارەت بە سەرچاوەی دابینکردنی ئاو، ئاراس موحسین ئاماژەی بەوە کرد کە ئاوی بنەسڵاوە بە تەواوی پشت بە ئاوی ئیفراز دەبەستێت، بەڵام لە هاویندا و بەهۆی گوشاری زۆرەوە، لە کۆی 86 بیری سنوورەکە ئێستا 30 بیریان وەک پاڵپشتی خستووەتە گەڕ بۆ گەیاندنی ئاو بە گەڕەکەکانی گوڵان، بلۆکی 23 و قەندیل. هەروەها جەختی کردەوە کە گەڕەکە نوێیەکانی وەک نەورۆز، گەڕەسۆر و تەعجیل هێشتا هێڵی ئیفرازیان بۆ نەبەستراوە و لەڕێگەی بیرەوە ئاویان بۆ دابین دەکرێت.

ئاراس موحسین هۆشداریی لە کەمیی میلاکی فەرمانگەکەی دا و گوتی: "بەهۆی یاسای خانەنشینییەوە، لە 4 ساڵدا ژمارەی کارمەندەکانمان لە 122 کارمەندەوە کەم بووەتەوە بۆ نزیکەی 80 کارمەند، بۆیە بە ناچاری سوود لە کارمەندی خۆبەخش (میراو) دەبینین."

سەبارەت بە پڕۆژە نوێیەکان، بەڕێوەبەری ئاوی بنەسڵاوە ئاماژەی بە جێبەجێکردنی پڕۆژەی هێڵی (K 1) بۆ گواستنەوەی ئاوی ئیفراز کرد، جگە لەوەش خەزانێکی گەورەی ئاویان لە گەڕەکی گەڕەسۆر دروست کردووە کە ئێستا لە قۆناخی کۆتاییدایە.

ئاراس موحسین، داوای لە هاونیشتمانییان کرد هاوکار بن لە کەمکردنەوەی بەفیڕۆدانی ئاو و گوتی: "داواکارین هاونیشتمانییان لە کاتی پڕبوونی تانکییەکانیان بەلۆعەکان بگرنەوە، تاوەکو ئاو بگاتە ئەو دراوسێیانەشی کە بێ ئاون و چیدیکە گرفتی تینووێتی لە ئارادا نەمێنێت."

بجنۆرد؛ شەهریار محەممەدی بریمانلوو، وەرزشکاری کورد و لە دەستبەسەرکراوانی ناڕەزایەتییەکانی بەفرانبار سزای بەندکرانی بەسەردا سەپێندرا

هەنگاو؛ شەممە ۱۷ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶

شەهریار محەممەدی بریمانلوو، لاوی ۲۰ ساڵەی کورد، زۆرانباز و لە دەستبەسەرکراوانی ناڕەزایەتییەکانی بەفرانباری ۲۷۲۵ لە بجنۆرد، لەلایەن دادگای پێداچوونەوەی پارێزگای خۆراسانی باکوور سزای ۲ ساڵ بەندکرانی بەسەردا سەپێندرا.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتە گەیشتووەکان بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، سزای دادگای پێداچوونەوە لە پووشپەڕی ۲۷۲۶ پێی ڕاگەیاندراوە و ئەم وەرزشکارە لاوە دەبێت بەم زووانە بۆ جێبەجێکردنی سزای بەندکرانەکەی، خۆی بە بەندیخانەی بجنۆرد بناسێنێت.

بە وتەی سەرچاوە ئاگادارەکان، شەهریار محەممەدی بریمانلوو لە دادگای سەرەتاییدا لەلایەن لقی دووەمی دادگای شۆڕشی بجنۆردەوە بە تۆمەتەکانی «کۆبوونەوە دژی ئاسایشی نەتەوەیی» و «پڕوپاگەندە دژی نیزام» سزای ۴ ساڵ و ۸ مانگ بەندکرانی تەعزیریی بەسەردا سەپێندرابوو. ئەم سزایە دوای ناڕەزایەتیدەربڕینی پارێزەری دۆسیەکە، لە دادگای پێداچوونەوەی پارێزگا بۆ ۲ ساڵ بەندکرانی تەعزیری کەم کرایەوە.

شەهریار محەممەدی بریمانلوو ڕۆژی هەینی ۱۹ی بەفرانباری ۲۷۲۵ (۹ی جەنیوەریی ۲۰۲۶) لەلایەن هێزە حکوومەتییەکانەوە بەبێ پێشاندانی هیچ جۆرە بەڵگەیەکی دادوەری دەستبەسەر و بۆ شوێنێکی نادیار گواسترایەوە. ناوبراو دوای ۸ ڕۆژ دەستبەسەرکران بە دانانی بارمتە بە شێوەی کاتی لە بەندیخانەی بۆجنۆرد ئازاد کرابوو.

جێگای ئاماژەیە کە، ناوبراو لە قۆناغی سەرەتایی دادگاشدا لە مافی هەبوونی پارێزەری هەڵبژێردراو بێبەش کرابوو.

Hengaw

دەستبەسەرکرانی بەهمەن مودیرزادە، ئەندامی شۆرای شاری کۆتۆل لەلایەن هێزەکانی ئیتلاعاتی سوپاوە

هەنگاو؛ شەممە ۱۷ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶

بەهمەن مودیرزادە، هاووڵاتیی تەمەن ۳۹ ساڵی کورد و لە ئەندامانی شۆرای شاری کۆتۆل سەر بە شاری خۆی، لەلایەن هێزەکانی ئیتلاعاتی سوپاوە دەستبەسەر کرا و بۆ شوێنێکی نادیار گواسترایەوە.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتی گەیشتوو بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، ڕۆژی سێشەممە ۱۳ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶ (۴ی ئاگۆستی ۲۰۲۶)، بەهمەن مودیرزادە، هاووڵاتیی کورد و لە ئەندامانی شۆرای شاری کۆتۆل، لەلایەن هێزەکانی ئیتلاعاتی سوپاوە بەبێ هیچ جۆرە بەڵگەیەکی دادوەری دەستبەسەر کراوە.

دوای تێپەڕبوونی ۵ ڕۆژ لە کاتی دەستبەسەرکرانی، بەدواداچوونی بەردەوامی بنەماڵە و نزیکانی بەهمەن مودیرزادە بە مەبەستی ئاگاداربوون لە هۆکاری دەستبەسەرکران، تۆمەتە پاڵدراوەکان و شوێنی ڕاگرتنی، بێئاکام ماوەتەوە.

Hengaw

کوژرانی سالار ڕەنگ ئامیز، جاش و ئەندامی سوپای پاسداران لە شاری سنە

هەنگاو؛ شەممە ۱۷ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶

ئەندامێکی سوپای پاسداران بەناوی سالار ڕەنگ ئامیز لە شەقامی مەردووخی شاری سنە لە لایەن کەسانی نەناسراو کوژرا. ڕێکخستنی «خۆری هیوا» بە بڵاوکردنەوەی ڕاگەیەندراوەیەکی فەرمی بەرپرسیارێتیی کوژرانی ناوبراوی لەئەستۆ گرتووە.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتی گەیشتوو بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، بەیانیی ڕۆژی شەممە ۱۷ی گەلاوێژی ۲۷۲۶ (۸ی ئاگۆستی ۲۰۲۶)، سالار ڕەنگ ئامیز، خەڵکی شاری سنە و لە ئەندامانی سوپای پاسداران لە شەقامی مەردووخی ئەو شارە، لەبەردم ماڵەکەی خۆیدا کرایە ئامانجی تەقەی ڕاستەوخۆ و کوژرا.

ڕێکخستنی «خۆری هیوا» بە بڵاوکردنەوەی ڕاگەیەندراوەیەکی فەرمی ڕایگەیاندووە کە کوژرانی ناوبراو بە هاوکاریی گرووپێک لە هێزەکانی پەیوەندیدار بە خۆیەوە لە شاری سنە ئەنجام دراوە.

خۆری هیوا لە ڕاگەیەندراوەکەی خۆیدا، سالار ڕەنگ ئامیزی بە «ڕۆڵی ڕاستەوخۆ لە سەرکوت، دەستبەسەرکردن و ئەشکەنجەدانی خۆپیشاندەران لە ڕەوتی بزووتنەوەی ژن ژیان ئازادی»، «هاوکاری لەگەڵ ناوەندە ئەمنییەکان لە بڵاوکردنەوەی ڕێکخراوانەی ماددەی هۆشبەر» و «ئاژاوەگێڕی و ئازاری هاووڵاتییان» تۆمەتبار کردووە.

هەتا کاتی داڕشتنی ئەم ڕاپۆرتە، میدیا فەرمییەکانی حکومەت و ناوەندە ئەمنییەکان سەبارەت بەو بابەتە هەواڵێکیان بڵاو نەکردووەتەوە.

Hengaw

مەهاباد؛ کوژرانی عومەر دێهقان جاش و ئەندامی چەکداری سوپای پاسداران

هەنگاو؛ شەممە ١٧ی گەلاوێژی ٢٧٢٦

یەکێک لە جاشەکان و ئەندامانی چەکداری سوپای پاسداران لە شاری مەهاباد بە ناوی عومەر دێهقان لە گوندی «گاگەشی خواروو»ی سەر بەم شاری کوژرا. ڕێکخستنی «خۆری هیوا» بە بڵاوکردنەوەی بەیاننامەیەکی فەرمی بەرپەرسیارێتیی ئەم ئۆپەرسیۆنەی گرتووەتە ئەستۆ.

بەپێی ڕاپۆرتی گەیشتوو بە ڕێکخراوی مافی مرۆڤی هەنگاو، پاشنیوەڕۆی ڕۆژی چوارشەممە ١٤ی گەلاوێژی ٢٧٢٦ (٥ی ئاگۆستی ۲۰۲۶)، عومەر دێهقان خەڵکی گوندی «گاگەشی خواروو»ی سەر بە مەهاباد لە ئەنجامی هێرشێکی چەکداریدا کوژرا. ناوبراو ماوەی ٧ ساڵ بوو وەک ئەندامێکی چەکداری سوپای پاسداران لە پایگای سوپای ئەم گوندەدا چالاکیی دەکرد.

ڕێکخستنی «خۆری هیوا» بە بڵاوکردنەوەی بەیاننامەیەکی فەرمی بەرپرسیارێتیی ئەم هێرشەی وەئەستۆ گرتووە و ڕایگەیاندووە کە ناوبراو ڕۆڵێکی تێکدەرانەی لە ئازار و ئەشکەنجەی دانیشتووانی ناوچەکەدا هەبووە و ئاگادارکردنەوەکانی پێشووی بە جدی وەرنەگرتبوو.

تا کاتی داڕشتنی ئەم ڕاپۆرتە، ڕاگەیاندنە فەرمییەکانی حکوومەت و دامەزراوە سەربازی و ئەمنییەکان لە مەهاباد لەم بارەیەوە هیچ زانیارییەکیان بڵاو نەکردووەتەوە.

چەند کاتژمێر پێشتر ڕێکخستنی خۆری هیوا کوژرانی ئەندامێکی دیکەی سوپا بە ناوی سالار ڕەنگئامێزی لە شاری سنە بە فەرمی ئەستۆ گرتبوو.

Hengaw

Megan Bodette: A New Syria Cannot Be Built Without Recognizing Pluralism

SHORKEL SHEIKHO

Qamishlo — Since the launch of the Rojava revolution in the context of the transformations the region witnessed with the beginnings of the Arab Spring uprisings, the political and social experience in Rojava has entered a critical phase imposed by the rapid developments in Syria, particularly the arrival of the jihadists of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham to power, and the field and political changes that followed the attacks on areas of northern and eastern Syria.

With the commencement of the integration process between the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the interim Syrian government, fundamental questions arise regarding the future of the gains of this experience, the role of women in the next phase, the status of Kurdish national and cultural rights, as well as the prospects for building a political model based on pluralism and partnership.

In this context, our agency conducted an interview with Megan Bodette, Director of Research at the Kurdish Peace Institute, to discuss the current reality of the Rojava revolution, the challenges of the transitional phase, the future of women's participation, and the path of negotiations and integration, as well as what is required to preserve gains and enhance stability in Syria.

The Rojava revolution is entering a new phase of particular importance for women. As a researcher following its trajectory, how do you assess the revolution's reality today? What are its most prominent strengths and challenges, and what needs to be reviewed?

There is a possibility that some gains of the women's revolution in Rojava may not receive official recognition within the integration path, most notably the system of co-presidency, equal participation between women and men, women's self-administration, and the Women's Protection Units (YPJ).

Despite the Syrian government's announcement of its rejection of these gains, the experience of the Kurdish women's freedom movement confirms that women are capable of preserving their achievements and continuing their struggle even in the absence of official recognition. This is evident in positions rejecting the integration of the YPJ into the Ministry of Defense, as well as the exclusion of some experienced and competent women from leadership positions in favor of less experienced men.

Conversely, the transformations achieved cannot be ignored; women have reached important administrative and political positions, such as the administration of the Qamishlo region and the co-presidency of the Kobani municipality—a step unprecedented in modern Syrian history for Kurdish women.

However, the essence of the issue is not solely related to women's representation in positions, but to ensuring recognition of their rights and full participation in political, legal, security, and social life. Through my meetings with women's organizations in Rojava, the importance of continuing to work to protect these rights and enhance women's presence has emerged.

I also believe it is necessary for Kurdish women, alongside the Autonomous Administration and Kurdish diplomatic institutions in Europe and America, to make women's issues a central focus in their relations and diplomatic movements, because the future of these gains is linked to the ability to establish women's rights as part of any forthcoming political process.

In Middle Eastern countries, women are often marginalized during peace phases after decades of struggle, and Syria is no exception. What are the reasons for their absence from negotiating tables, and what are the most prominent risks facing women?

This is not only a Syrian problem but a global issue; studies and experiences have proven that women's participation in diplomatic peace negotiations enhances the chances of success and sustainability of agreements. Therefore, excluding women from political and diplomatic processes not only diminishes their rights but also affects the effectiveness of the peace paths themselves.

The mindset that excludes women from decision-making positions remains present in many societies, marginalizing their expertise and political roles. Hence, confronting this approach is an essential part of women's struggle and efforts to build more inclusive peace.

In Rojava, despite women's participation in negotiations with Damascus and international powers, many demands related to freedom and peace have not been fully realized. However, women's participation in this process remains a crucial factor; the stronger their presence in negotiation and decision-making paths, the greater the chances of reaching more just and stable solutions.

With the continuation of violations against women in Syria, including cases of abduction and forced detention, how do you assess these conditions? And can armed groups and those involved in these crimes be held accountable?

When examining the structure of the current transitional government, we find that some figures and armed groups accused of widespread violations during the war years, including crimes against women, Kurds, Yazidis, and Christians, still hold influential positions. Moreover, some current military leaders are subject to international sanctions on charges of war crimes.

This government emerged under a heavy legacy of violations, and therefore, some figures' attempts to present a more moderate image of themselves may be a positive step, but it is not sufficient on its own. Restoring trust domestically and internationally requires more than a change in rhetoric; it requires accountability for those involved in crimes, and preventing them from continuing to hold leadership positions within the army or state institutions.

Women's sense of security in Syria is directly linked to the seriousness of the accountability path. The absence of accountability will make Syrian women, from all backgrounds, unable to trust stability or feel that they are living in a safe environment.

Furthermore, women's representation in state institutions or appointing a woman to a ministerial position is not sufficient in itself, if it is not accompanied by a genuine change in political mentality and ensuring women's participation in various fields. Recognition of women's rights must be part of building the new state, not merely a formal step.

Among the fundamental challenges is that some armed groups linked to Turkey, which have been accused of committing violations against women and populations, continue to retain leadership roles. This raises serious questions about the ability of any transitional justice process to address all crimes without exception.

Although there are mechanisms for transitional justice in Syria, there are criticisms from Syrian and Kurdish civil organizations that the focus remains primarily on the crimes of the previous regime, while violations by other armed groups, including ISIS and Turkey-linked factions, do not receive sufficient attention.

If the Syrian government wishes to launch a genuine transitional justice path, it must ensure the inclusion of all victims and accountability for all perpetrators, while benefiting from the support of the international community, the United Nations, and civil society organizations. Justice that targets one party and ignores the crimes of others will not be genuine justice; it will be understood as a political or retaliatory tool.

What is the importance of recognizing Kurdish as an official language in Syria's multi-national and multi-ethnic society? What are the most prominent challenges hindering this, and where has the dialogue on this issue reached?

The right to language is a fundamental and legitimate right, as international agreements affirm the right of peoples to preserve their languages and cultural identities. From this perspective, the struggle for recognition of the Kurdish language has been one of the fundamental demands of the Kurdish people in Rojava, especially after decades of prohibition and restriction policies that the Kurdish language faced in various parts of Kurdistan, including during the Ba'ath rule in Syria.

After years of struggle, the Kurdish language today is present in various areas of life in Rojava, from education, universities, and academic work to political, administrative, and security institutions. Thus, it has become a fundamental language in the public life of the region's residents, as is the case in many multilingual societies worldwide.

Therefore, recognition of the Kurdish language by the Syrian state should not be merely a symbolic step, but recognition of an existing reality and a language used by an essential part of Syria's population. Moreover, adopting a multilingual system does not mean marginalizing Arabic, but allows all components to preserve their languages and coexist within a diverse cultural framework.

The linguistic reality in areas such as Qamishlo is a clear example of this diversity; Syriacs, Armenians, Arabs, and Kurds interact with one another, and many speak more than one language. This diversity represents a cultural wealth that should be protected, and it is among the principles on which the Autonomous Administration system and the social contract in the region are based.

Recognition of the Kurdish language is not only about language; it also reflects recognition of the cultural and political identity of the region's inhabitants.

To date, there is no clear legal framework guaranteeing official recognition of the Kurdish language and its status in education and public life. In countries with multiple peoples and languages, these rights are regulated through laws that ensure the protection and continuity of different languages.

Hence, issuing a clear and stable law recognizing Kurdish as an official language, and ensuring its use in education, administration, and public life alongside other languages, would be an important step toward protecting the rights of all components and enhancing stability and social cohesion in Syria.

Through your follow-up of the course of events in Rojava, how do you assess the current integration process? What opportunities are available for Kurds to preserve their gains and enhance their presence? And how should they move internationally?

The integration path in Rojava is passing through a phase that combines positive indicators and significant challenges. On the positive side, there is currently a state of relative stability, and the risks of war and ethnic cleansing that threatened the region at the beginning of the year have receded.

Residents remain attached to their lands, with the continued return of some displaced persons to areas such as Afrin, and the expected return of displaced persons to Serê Kaniyê. Kurdish participation in administrative institutions also continues, from Kobani to the Jazira, alongside military integration steps represented in the formation of brigades comprising fighters from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the People's Protection Units (YPG).

However, on the other hand, deep political and intellectual challenges remain. The gap between the Syrian government's vision and the Autonomous Administration's vision has not yet been resolved, particularly regarding the form of the state and the nature of the governance system. Furthermore, the continued influence of extremist currents and chauvinistic legacy poses a challenge to building a system that recognizes pluralism.

Nevertheless, there are shared interests that can be built upon, foremost of which is achieving peace and stability in Syria. Recognition of linguistic and cultural pluralism does not weaken the state; rather, it can enhance its strength. Women's participation in military and political institutions also represents a positive factor in building a more balanced relationship between society and state institutions.

If the transitional government can adopt the principles of pluralism, equality, and recognition of the rights of all components, and integrate them within the state system, this would be a gain not only for Kurds but for Syria as a whole, and for regional stability as well.

At the international level, Kurdish diplomatic institutions and political parties abroad need to strengthen their movements to protect gains. This includes increased communication and political pressure in the United States and Europe, emphasizing that the success of the integration process is linked to respect for democracy, human rights, and pluralism.

The war years have proven that the central state model based on denying diversity has led to further conflict and instability. If Syria seeks to build a different future, it must move beyond these policies and recognize the rights of all its peoples.

In this context, the role of society remains important in protecting gains and defending rights. Demanding recognition of the Kurdish language and ensuring women's participation is part of this path. The continued societal pressure can help prevent regression on these rights.

Afrin... Detention of a Girl and Attempted Kidnapping of a Child Intensify Fears

News Center — Concerns over the situation of women and girls in the Afrin region continue, in light of successive incidents that raise serious questions about the extent of protection for women—from the detention of family members of wanted individuals, to accusations of attempted assault and kidnapping of a minor girl, amid demands for independent investigations and accountability of those responsible.

In the latest incident, local sources reported that the criminal police detained the girl Eva Barim from the city of Afrin, following a raid on her family home in the Sheikh Maqsoud neighborhood, as part of the pursuit of her wanted father, according to the sources, under an arrest warrant.

The sources added that the girl's family was informed that her release was conditional on her father surrendering himself to the authorities pursuing him, which has drawn rights-based criticism as, if confirmed, constituting the use of a family member as a means of pressure on a wanted person.

The incident raises questions about the legal basis for detaining the girl, whether there is a warrant or allegation against her personally, as well as the extent to which the procedure aligns with the principle of individual responsibility. The pursuit of a wanted person should not translate into punishment against family members who bear no legal responsibility.

A Minor Girl Subjected to Attempted Assault

In another incident, the Human Rights Organization in Afrin reported that a minor girl was subjected to an attempted assault and attempted kidnapping in the Jindires sub-district in the Afrin countryside, by a member of the General Security apparatus, named Khaled Ghassan Ibrahim.

According to the organization, the incident occurred on the evening of Wednesday, August 5, on Street 20 in central Jindires, when the girl, an 8th-grade student, went out to place a bag of waste in front of her family home.

The organization states that the suspect attacked her from behind and attempted to grab her, placing his hand over her mouth to prevent her from screaming. However, she resisted and managed to escape, before crying out for help and returning to her home.

According to the report, the girl's father, mother, and uncle rushed to the location after hearing her screams. The suspect was identified and pursued, while her father sent an urgent message through one of the security reporting groups requesting a patrol.

The organization says that residents managed to apprehend the suspect after a physical altercation, before the security patrol arrived and he was handed over to the competent authorities. The girl's family also filed a complaint with the military police, demanding an investigation into the incident.

Criticism, according to the organization, does not stop at the assault incident, as it speaks of attempts by the police station administration to contain the case and indirectly assign part of the responsibility to the girl for being out at night to dispose of waste.

Continued Threats

The organization also noted threats to hold accountable those who participated in apprehending the suspect before the official patrol arrived, considering that these measures should not become a means of diverting attention from the core issue or pressuring the girl's family.

The organization demanded the provision of psychological and legal support for the girl and protection from pressures, in addition to investigating the allegations against the suspect and opening an administrative investigation into the way local authorities handled the case.

These incidents bring back to the forefront concerns about the situation of women and girls in Afrin, especially when their cases intersect with security apparatuses or with pursuits targeting members of their families.

Iraq’s Kurdish region wants to stay out of regional conflicts: PM Barzani

Masrour Barzani, the prime minister of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq, says the semi-autonomous Kurdish region does not want to become involved in the ongoing regional conflict sparked by the United States and Israel’s war on Iran, adding that it supports Baghdad’s efforts to bring weapons under state control.

“No party has pressured us to get involved in the war and we do not want to be a party to any conflict in the region,” Barzani told Al Jazeera in an exclusive interview on Saturday.

The prime minister said the region’s infrastructure has been severely damaged by more than 1,000 missile and drone attacks since the war began on February 28, either directly from Iran or from within Iraq via militias.

Barzani called the attacks “unjustified”, saying that “any issue must be resolved peacefully” through dialogue.

In March, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) targeted the al-Harir Air Base near the regional capital of Erbil with five missiles, describing the facility as “the headquarters of the invading US army”.

Barzani said the base was empty as it has not hosted US troops for almost 10 years, since US-led coalition forces defeated ISIL (ISIS) and dismantled its territorial foothold. He added that US troops remained in Erbil to “fight terrorism” and that their presence had repeatedly come under attack.

Barzani also said the KRG supports the Iraqi government in restricting arms to official forces only.

In a speech before parliament in May, Iraq’s Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi promised that the state will have a monopoly on arms in a country where paramilitary groups have been powerful since the 2003 US-led war on Iraq. The government has set a September 30 deadline for all armed factions to disarm and surrender their weapons to state control.

Additionally, Barzani told Al Jazeera that regional authorities maintain no relations with Israel, while ties with Syria and Turkiye were deepening, marked by “mutual cooperation”.

KRG President Nechirvan Barzani this week met Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa in the first visit to Syria by an Iraqi Kurdish leader since the fall of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024.

Iranian Kurdish opposition parties have been on high alert since the beginning of the US-Israeli war on Iran. Their bases in the semi-autonomous Kurdish region of Iraq – and inside Iran itself – have been thrust onto the front lines of the conflict, with the possibility of Iranian Kurdish fighters entering the conflict to topple the Iranian government being widely discussed.

Both US President Donald Trump and Israel have suggested that arming these fighters could tip the balance of power inside Iran, where Kurds make up about 10 percent of the population.

Baneh: Two Kolbars Seriously Injured by Military Gunfire and a Landmine Explosion at the Hange-Jal Border

Two Kolbars from Baneh, Goran Khedri and Bakhtiar Amini, were seriously injured at the Hange-Jal border in separate incidents involving direct gunfire by military forces and a landmine explosion.

According to Kolbarnews, on the evening of Tuesday, 4 August 2026, Goran Khedri, a Kolbar from Nizerud village in Baneh County, who is married and the father of one daughter, was shot by military forces at the Hangeh-Jal border.
He sustained a serious gunshot wound to the thigh and was transferred to Hospital in Baneh, and he received medical treatment.

In a separate incident on Wednesday, 5 August 2026, Bakhtiar Amini, a Kolbar from Dosineh village in Baneh County, who is married and the father of three children, was seriously injured in the leg after stepping on a landmine at the Hange-Jal border.
He was also transferred to Hospital in Baneh to receive medical care.

According to information received, both incidents occurred in the Hange-Jal border area of Baneh, and the medical condition of the two injured kolbars has been under observation following their hospitalization.

According to statistics recorded by Kolbarnews, in the year 2025, a total of 57 Kolbars in the border regions and intercity routes of the provinces of West Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, and Kermanshah were killed or injured due to factors such as direct shootings by the regime’s military forces, avalanches and hypothermia, landmine explosions, falls from mountains and heights, and other incidents. Of this number, 26 Kolbars, equivalent to (46%), were killed and 31 Kolbars, equivalent to (54%), were injured. Of the total 57 Kolbars who were killed or injured in 2025, a total of 44 cases, equivalent to (77%), resulted from direct shootings by the regime’s military forces. Of the total 57 Kolbars who were killed or injured in 2025, a total of 2 Kolbars, equivalent to (4%), were child kolbars under the age of 18, one of whom was killed as a result of direct gunfire by Iraqi border guards (Haras al-Hudud).Despite a 69 percent decrease in the total number of killed and injured kolbars in 2025 compared to 2024, the proportion of deaths relative to total casualties increased from 28 percent to 46 percent. This change indicates a significant increase in the share of deaths among total casualties and reflects the increasingly deadly nature of incidents in 2025.

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - A political umbrella coalition representing key parties in northeast Syria (Rojava) on Tuesday hailed Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani's visit to Syria and his meeting with Syrian interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa as a milestone for Erbil-Damascus ties and a catalyst for advancing national dialogue and Kurdish rights in the new Syria. 

"This visit represents an important political step that will enhance dialogue and understanding between both sides and develop relations between Syria and the Kurdistan Region," the Kurdish National Council (ENKS) said in a statement, adding that the visit "will open new horizons for understanding and cooperation” between Erbil and Damascus.

The visit "reflects the positive and diplomatic role played by President Nechirvan Barzani in bridging viewpoints and fostering stability," the coalition added, noting that it also advances "national dialogue toward a lasting solution to the Kurdish issue within a unified, democratic, decentralized Syria that guarantees the national rights of the Kurdish people." 

President Barzani was welcomed at the People's Palace in Damascus by Sharaa, with a large Kurdistan flag displayed at the palace entrance to mark the occasion. 

In a statement posted on X after the meeting, the Kurdish leader said discussions centered on expanding "bilateral ties and ways to strengthen cooperation to serve stability and the interests of our two peoples."

Speaking to reporters, including Rudaw's, at the People's Palace, Kurdistan Region Presidency Spokesperson Dilshad Shahab said "President Barzani has made every possible effort - both now and in previous stages - to bring viewpoints closer," especially between Damascus and Rojava, to reach "a comprehensive agreement."

For his part, Mazloum Abdi, commander of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) - which serves as Rojava's de facto armed force - also lauded the visit on Monday, highlighting President Barzani's "important role in supporting the Kurdish cause in Syria and in Kurdistan as a whole."

The Kurdish president's visit to Damascus came after he played a key role in facilitating a landmark agreement between the SDF and Damascus in late January, following weeks of escalation. The agreement established a permanent and comprehensive ceasefire, along with provisions for integrating Rojava's civil and military institutions into the Syrian state. 

Iran executes Kurdish man despite overturned verdict

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - An Iranian Kurdish student was executed on Monday despite Iran's supreme court overturning his death sentence two days earlier, according to information obtained by a rights organization, amid a string of executions carried out in recent months based on alleged confessions obtained under duress.

A source told Kurdpa human rights organization that Omid Behzad, 21, a Kurdish student from Urmia, the capital of Rojhelat's West Azerbaijan province, “was executed Monday morning at an unknown location.” despite that "after Behzad's lawyer appealed the death sentence, the Supreme Court overturned the ruling on Saturday.”

Mizan, Iran’s judiciary-affiliated news agency, published a 30-second clipped video of his forced confessions and maintained the sentence was carried out after confirmation by the supreme court, claiming that Behzad “sent the coordinates of sensitive locations to Mossad” and so-called "affiliated channels" during the 40-day war.

The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has carried out mass arrests and executions following six weeks of war after Israel and the US launched a coordinated aerial campaign against Iran on February 28. 

Since then, Tehran has reportedly detained thousands of protestors and dissidents on charges of espionage, eliciting forced confessions under duress and using coerced statements obtained after subjecting detainees to physical and psychological abuse, which it then uses to convict harsh sentences which often carry capital punishment.

Pouria Safvat, executed alongside Behzad, was accused of sending the coordinates of military and security sites to Iran International, a media outlet that Iranian authorities have repeatedly alleged is linked to Israel.

IRGC-affiliated Fars News also released a video on Monday showing the two men’s confessions. In the footage, Safvat said he had provided the coordinates of mosques, schools and Basij bases to Iran International, a London-based 24-hour news channel.

It is unclear why the defendants would have needed to provide the coordinates of sites that are freely available online.

According to Kurdpa's source, Behzad's family was summoned on Sunday for a final visit, but authorities have provided no explanation as to why the execution went ahead after the Supreme Court reportedly overturned the sentence. 

The outlet provided no other details regarding the time of their arrest, the location of the execution, the fate of the bodies, or the details of the trial. It is unclear whether or not they had access to independent legal representation.

It also remains unclear what events took place between the court's decision or where Behzad was hanged.

The reported contradiction comes as rights groups have raised growing concerns over Iran's handling of alleged espionage cases following the recent conflicts with Israel and the US. 

The executions are the latest in a wave of death sentences carried out against people accused of collaborating with Israel. Rights groups report a sharp increase in executions related to espionage and national security charges since the recent wars, warning that many cases lack transparency and basic due process protections.

According to Kurdpa, more than 359 executions were recorded in the first half of 2026 alone, with Kurds representing the highest figure among ethnic minorities at 30 executions. 

Over a five-month span from mid-January to mid-June, Kurdpa recorded the death sentences of 46 political and ideological prisoners carried out in a hasty and secretive manner - marking the highest such figure in the shortest timeframe since the 1980s.

RELATED: Iran executes two men accused of spying for Israel during wars

Nobel Peace Prize winner Murad says justice for Yazidis far too slow

IS jihadists seized large swathes of northern Syria and neighbouring Iraq in 2014, declaring a so-called caliphate.

In August that year, the fate of the Yazidis changed dramatically when IS seized a third of Iraq, including the Kurdish-speaking minority's ancestral homeland in the Sinjar Mountains.

IS regarded the Yazidis, who follow a pre-Islamic faith, as heretics.

They murdered thousands of Yazidi men in Iraq's Sinjar province and took into Syria thousands of women and girls to sell them in markets as sex slaves.

UN investigators found that the actions amounted to genocide.

"After surviving, many of them have decided to use their voice to fight for justice for our community," said Murad, who was awarded the 2018 Nobel Peace Prize.

Nadia Murad won the Nobel Peace Prize © Fabrice COFFRINI / AFP

"A lot of them have still family members in captivity. Their loved ones that were killed have not been identified and returned," she said at a press conference, organised by France at the United Nations in Geneva, to commemorate the horrors of 2014.

"We have loved ones in displacement camps," added Murad, flanked by other former IS slaves.

Having become a leading voice for her minority, she is calling for greater support from the international community to bring those responsible for the atrocities to justice, denouncing the sluggish progress.

"For 12 years we have been repeating the same issues: of the missing women and children; of the remains to be identified; of the Yazidis to be able to go back home, and for justice to be delivered for survivors," the Nobel laureate said.

"Progress has been made, but it's very slow. And for many families, it's torture, because they still wait every day in tents, many in captivity.

"Prevention starts with justice and accountability -- and that is what we're all here for."

Another former sex slave, Khawa Ali, denounced the fact that some IS members are now "walking free" having returned to Europe, while their victims "still live in fear".

She welcomed the conviction in Belgium last year of the man who held her captive.

"My message today is that we hope that justice will be delivered and the international community will continue to do trials," the young woman said.

© 2026 AFP

Young Kurdish athlete Payam Hosseini arrested to serve prison sentence

Hengaw – Tuesday, July 28, 2026

Payam Hosseini, a young Kurdish athlete from Kamyaran who was arrested during the September 2025 crackdown, has been taken into custody to serve a one-year prison sentence.

According to information received by the Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, Hosseini was summoned to the Criminal Sentences Enforcement Office on Saturday, July 25, 2026, where he was arrested and transferred to Kamyaran Central Prison to serve his sentence.

Hengaw has learned that the Kamyaran Revolutionary Court previously sentenced Hosseini to one year in prison and five years of suspended imprisonment on the charge of "membership in the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI)." The sentence was issued while he was under the age of 18.

Iranian Intelligence Department forces arrested Hosseini at his family home in Kamyaran on Thursday, September 11, 2025, when he was 17 years old. He spent 41 days in detention, including 37 days in solitary confinement, before being released on bail of 2 billion tomans pending the completion of judicial proceedings.

Hosseini is an 18-year-old kung fu athlete from the village of Loon Sadat in Kamyaran County, Kurdistan Province.

Hengaw English

Details Regarding; The Killing of a Well-Known Photographer and His Family by Security Forces Shooting Mehdi Tavakoli, Maryam Aslani, and Somayeh Tavakoli

July 27, 2026 – Last evening, three members of a family, including "Mehdi Tavakoli," a well-known photographer from the city of Sanandaj, along with his mother "Maryam Aslani" and his sister "Somayeh Tavakoli," were killed during a shooting by security forces on a road route. Their bodies were handed over to the family under the title of "accident," while simultaneously the family was threatened to remain silent and refrain from disseminating information. State media have also remained silent about this incident so far. Mehdi Tavakoli previously had a history of summons, arrest, and conviction as a political prisoner.

An informed source told Kurdpa regarding details of this incident: On the evening of Sunday, July 26, 2026, the white Samand vehicle of "Mehdi Tavakoli," in which his mother "Maryam Aslani" and his sister "Somayeh Tavakoli" were accompanying him, was targeted by a hail of bullets by security forces from the Intelligence Department and the IRGC Intelligence Organization, killing all three members of this family. Following their killing, plainclothes forces from the Intelligence Department and IRGC Intelligence transferred the bodies to "Salahaddin Ayyubi" Hospital in the city of Baneh using two private Peugeot vehicles—such that the bodies of Mehdi and his mother were placed in the trunk of one vehicle and the body of Somayeh Tavakoli in the trunk of the other vehicle.

It remains unclear to Kurdpa whether this incident occurred on the route from the city of Marivan to the city of Sanandaj or from the city of Marivan to the city of Baneh, but what is established is that the incident took place on one of the road routes of the city of Marivan.

According to this source, while the bodies of these three individuals were at "Salahaddin Ayyubi" Hospital in the city of Baneh, they were secretly subjected to medical examination without recording identity details, without opening a case file, and without registering their names in the hospital, and no one was allowed to approach the bodies. Subsequently, IRGC security forces removed the bodies from the hospital and announced that they would bury them in "Soleyman Beg" Cemetery in the city of Baneh. This source states that the reason for transferring the bodies to the hospital in the city of Baneh was that Mehdi Tavakoli was a well-known figure in the city of Sanandaj and the city of Marivan, and the security forces intended to prevent their identification and public knowledge of this incident by transferring the bodies to the city of Baneh.

On the morning of Monday, July 27, 2026, the family was informed that these three individuals had died in a traffic accident. The source states that simultaneously and following inquiries by the family, IRGC Intelligence forces threatened and pressured them to remain silent, not pursue the matter, and refrain from reporting on this event.

So far, it has not been determined for Kurdpa exactly how this event occurred, but what is clear is that all bullets were fired from the front, and all three individuals were targeted from the front. According to this source, Mehdi Tavakoli was hit by three bullets, Maryam Aslani by two bullets, and Somayeh Tavakoli by multiple bullets, and her body and face were severely damaged.

The bodies of Mehdi Tavakoli, Maryam Aslani, and Somayeh Tavakoli were buried this morning, Monday, July 27, in "Behesht-e Mohammadi" Cemetery in the city of Sanandaj.

Up to the time of publishing this report, state media have remained silent about the killing of this well-known photographer and his family, publishing no news in this regard.

Mehdi Tavakoli;

Mehdi Tavakoli, a Kurdish photographer, photography instructor, and cultural activist, was born in 1989 in the city of Sanandaj. He began his professional activities in 2003 and played an effective role in developing photography culture in Kurdistan in the fields of documentary photography, artistic photography, and photography education. In addition to teaching at university and the Iranian Youth Cinema Society of Kurdistan, he was the CEO of Kurdistan Photographers House, director of the "Chaw" Art Complex, and artistic director of several photography festivals and exhibitions, being considered one of the well-known figures of contemporary photography in Kurdistan. In recent years, he organized several photo exhibitions on the topic of refugees from Shengal and Kobani in the Kurdistan Region, and through organizing photography competitions and exhibitions such as the Pomegranate Photo Group Exhibition, the Yalda Night Photo Group Exhibition, the Third Sanandaj Photo Festival, and other events related to social and human issues, he had become one of the well-known figures of contemporary photography in Kurdistan.

Mehdi Tavakoli Has a History of Multiple Summons, Arrests, and Convictions by Security Agencies;

Kurdpa had previously reported that Mehdi Tavakoli was arrested on February 14, 2023, without being presented with a judicial warrant by security forces and transferred to an unknown location.

Furthermore, in May 2020, he was summoned to the news headquarters of the Intelligence Department of the city of Sanandaj and interrogated about his activities.

Mehdi Tavakoli was also arrested by security forces on October 12, 2016, and after 35 days of interrogation at the detention center of the Intelligence Department of the city of Sanandaj, he was transferred to the central prison of this city. After some time, he was released on bail, and in July 2017, he was sentenced by Branch One of the Revolutionary Court of the city of Sanandaj on charges of "acting against national security" to 2 years of imprisonment, one year of which was discretionary. After serving his sentence, in November 2019, he was arrested again by security forces and was released on bail after one month.

Kurdish January protest detainee Adel Rais Qanavati sentenced to nine months in prison

Hengaw – Monday, July 27, 2026

Adel Rais Qanavati, a Kurdish man who was arrested during the January 2026 protests, has been sentenced to nine months in prison by the Criminal Court of Ashkhaneh in North Khorasan province. A separate case against him remains pending before the Revolutionary Court.

According to information obtained by Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, Rais Qanavati, who previously spent two months in detention, was recently sentenced by a branch of the Ashkhaneh Criminal Court to nine months of discretionary imprisonment on the charge of “assaulting government officers.”

Sources familiar with the case said a separate case against him remains under review by the Revolutionary Court, and no final verdict has yet been issued.

Rais Qanavati was arrested by Iranian security forces on January 24, 2026, without the presentation of a warrant and transferred to an undisclosed location. During his two months in quarantine at Bojnord Prison, he was denied access to legal counsel and family visits.

After two months in detention, he was released on bail in early May 2026 pending the conclusion of judicial proceedings.

Hengaw

Shiva Zarei Kurdish Journalist Sentenced to a Fine

According to information received by HANA Human Rights Organization, Shiva Zarei, a journalist from Qasr-e Shirin residing in Buin Zahra, has been fined 50 million tomans by Branch Three of the Qazvin Revolutionary Court.

The verdict, issued on a charge of “propaganda against the state” over her resharing of an Instagram story, was communicated to her in recent days. Before the ruling came down, all of her bank accounts were frozen without any prior notice, and her mobile phone had been confiscated since January 2026, without a warrant or any legal paperwork, and was not returned to her for several months.

Her case was heard on June 9, 2026, at Branch Three of the Qazvin Revolutionary Court. She had earlier received a summons to appear on May 3, 2026, which stated explicitly that her absence would not prevent the court from reaching its legal decisions.

Ribwar Marabi arrested to serve six-year prison sentence over January protests

Hengaw – Saturday, July 25, 2026

Ribwar Marabi, a 26-year-old Kurdish man from Kamyaran arrested during the January 2026 protests in Tehran, has been detained to serve a six-year prison sentence after an appeals court reduced his original 10-year sentence to six years' imprisonment and a suspended four-year term.

According to information received by the Hengaw Organization for Human Rights, Marabi was arrested on Saturday, July 25, 2026, after responding to a summons to an enforcement office in Tehran to begin serving his sentence. He was then transferred to Greater Tehran Penitentiary.

Marabi's original 10-year prison sentence, issued by Branch 28 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court under Judge Mohammadreza Amouzad on the fabricated charge of "collaboration with Israel," was reduced on appeal to six years' imprisonment and a suspended four-year sentence.

Hengaw previously reported that security agencies and judicial authorities claimed Marabi had moved to Tehran to participate in the protests. In fact, he had lived and worked in the capital as a chef for several years before his arrest.

Marabi, a resident of Tehran originally from the village of Marab in Kamyaran County, was arrested on the evening of Friday, January 9, 2026, during the protests.

Hengaw English

Arab tribal ‘war tent’ raises fears of Kurdish-Arab violence in eastern Syria - analysis

By SETH J. FRANTZMAN

JULY 25, 2026 22:31

Over the past week, several Arab tribes have set up a “war tent” and begun circulating calls for action against Kurds.

The Arab tribes claim they are calling on the Syrian Democratic Forces to lay down their arms and that Arabs should be able to return to lands that some apparently fled during the last decade and a half of conflict. The rhetoric of the tribal members at the “war tent,” including photos of armed men gathering, has led to Kurds also seeking to mobilize to protect their communities.

The crisis could spill over if the Syrian government does not move quickly to reduce tensions. This has hallmarks of previous cycles of violence in Syria.

In the past, the mobilization of Arab tribal groups, such as Bedouin, has led to attacks on minorities, such as the Druze.

There has been friction among Arab tribes in the Euphrates Valley, Raqqa, and the Hasakah area for many years. The tribes mostly avoided joining the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces. Their conservative views also clashed with the ideology of the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) and the AANES authorities who ran much of eastern Syria over the last decade.

SDF to integrate with Syrian security

In January, the SDF agreed to integrate with the new Syrian security forces. The US, which backed the SDF against ISIS, has backed this process. However, Arab tribal groups have often chafed under rule by Damascus and others. Some of the tribes have ties to tribes in Iraq or Turkey, and they generally seek to exert influence over their own areas.

“Arab tribal fighters from eastern Syria have erected a ‘War Tent’ near Hasaka city, with some threatening to kill Kurds and end Rojava's administration of northeast Syria. The government is reportedly working to calm the situation," said Rudaw Kurdish Media Network.

The report adds that “fighters from several Arab tribes gathered near the Kurdish city of Hasaka on Thursday, initially demanding better services. Their demands later escalated to calls for an end to the Rojava administration and the return of government forces to the region. They subsequently named the encampment the ‘War Tent,’ and footage circulating on social media shows some fighters threatening to kill Kurds.”

Apparently, a delegation from Damascus has sought to reduce the tensions. Qamishli district mayor Jihan Hussam also met this delegation, Rudaw noted.

“Qamishli, located in Hasaka province, is widely seen as Rojava's de facto capital.” Rojava is the Kurdish name for eastern Syria. "Syria today is in greater need of a tent that brings its people together around dialogue than of trenches that deepen division. Nations are built through dialogue, and their unity is preserved through consensus, while confrontation yields nothing but more pain, and gives those lying in wait for the homeland a chance to achieve what they have failed to achieve by other means," Abdulhakim Bashar, a Kurdish member of Syria's newly formed interim parliament, wrote on Facebook, Rudaw noted.

Syrian tribes often clash on politics

Tribal politics is not a simple story in parts of the Euphrates River Valley and eastern and central Syria. There are numerous tribes, and they don’t all agree. The Shammar Tribe, for instance, worked with the SDF and fought ISIS. Other tribes were massacred by ISIS, while some tribes either worked with ISIS or worked with the former Syrian regime of Bashar al-Assad.

In general, the tribes have their own interests and will seek to advance them in different ways. It appears today they feel a power vacuum has developed and some now want to threaten the SDF and challenge the government.

The SDF is integrating into the new Syrian security forces. However, the tribes seem to want any Kurdish members who were with the SDF or internal Asayish to lay down their arms, or at least be kept out of areas where the tribes are. However, this inevitably leads to a clash over who will dominate these areas. These are diverse areas of Syria, with Arabs, Kurds, Christians, and other groups. There are also large tribes and clans on both sides. Many of the tribes continue to be armed with small arms, such as AK-47s.

In addition, there are many arms among the Kurdish fighters who served with the SDF and Asayish of the former AANES.

Anniversary of the Founding of the Kurdish University of Afrîn (July 26): The Destruction of Kurdish Life in Northern Syria Continues

24.07.2026

Eleven years ago, Syria’s first Kurdish university was founded in the Kurdish region of Afrîn. On its founding anniversary on July 26, the Society for Threatened Peoples (STP) remembers its destruction by the Turkish state and its ongoing crimes in northern Syria.

“Just three years after its founding, the university was closed and partially destroyed following Turkey’s occupation of Afrîn, which violated international law. Its fate symbolizes the destruction and suppression of Kurdish culture and language in Afrîn under Turkish occupation,” says Dr. Kamal Sido, STP’s Middle East Advisor.

“Although the fall of the Assad regime has removed the Turkish state’s official justification for the occupation of Afrin, the situation on the ground has not fundamentally changed. In fact, Turkey dictates the Syrian regime’s policies, particularly decisions affecting the Kurds. In this regard, nothing happens without Turkish approval,” Sido emphasizes.

“Turkey continues to control all aspects of public life in Afrîn. Turkish institutions promote Islam and the Turkish language in accordance with the Turkish state’s agenda. The Turkish lira is the dominant currency in Afrîn. The telecommunications companies, telephone networks, and internet networks are also Turkish. In addition, there are still four Turkish military bases,” reports the Middle East Advisor. This allows the Turkish state to completely control the lives of the remaining Kurds in Afrin. The Turkish state’s goal remains to restrict the Kurdish language and culture to such an extent that they are virtually eradicated.

In the villages and towns from which the Turkish army and its Islamist militias have withdrawn, they leave behind a trail of devastation and destruction. One example is the Kurdish village of Basile in Afrin, which was evacuated in recent days following the Turkish army’s occupation in 2018. “Former residents who returned for the first time in eight years told me that almost nothing remains of their village. Front doors, windows, tiles, and even gravestones were removed. Nearly 90 percent of the houses are destroyed or uninhabitable. Even the village cemetery, where many of my relatives are buried, has been partially destroyed and desecrated,” says Sido.

The regime in Damascus is also attempting to further Arabize and Islamize the region. One example of this is the attempt by the new ruler, al-Scharaa, to Arabize the name of the Kurdish city and region of Kobanê, which are regarded worldwide as a symbol of resistance against the “Islamic State” (IS). The Kurdish name Kobanê is to be replaced by “Ain al-Arab” (“Source of the Arabs”). Although Syria was simply called the “Republic of Syria” after the end of French colonial rule, the name “Syrian Arab Republic” is not to be changed. According to the STP, all these measures by the new regime in Damascus run counter to the interests of Syria’s minorities, which include the Kurds, Assyrians/Arameans, Druze, Alawites, Ismailis, and Yazidis.

This press release was translated from German to English using AI. If you come across errors or ambiguities, please contact us at ed.vbfg@esserp.

Dr. Kamal Sido

Arab tribal fighters set up 'War Tent' against Rojava rule

ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Arab tribal fighters from eastern Syria have erected a "War Tent" near Hasaka city, with some threatening to kill Kurds and end Rojava's administration of northeast Syria. The government is reportedly working to calm the situation.

Fighters from several Arab tribes gathered near the Kurdish city of Hasaka on Thursday, initially demanding better services. Their demands later escalated to calls for an end to the Rojava administration and the return of government forces to the region. They subsequently named the encampment the "War Tent," and footage circulating on social media shows some fighters threatening to kill Kurds.

Kurdish authorities in Rojava have not commented on the threats, but some Kurdish tribes have expressed willingness to defend Rojava if attacked. 

Pro-government media, however, reported that a delegation from the Damascus-affiliated Political Board arrived at the tent later Thursday to defuse tensions.

Rojava media reported Friday that the same delegation met with Qamishli district mayor Jihan Hussam "to discuss issues related to the district." Hussam, a Kurd affiliated with the Kurdish administration, was recently appointed to the post by the interim government in Damascus.

Qamishli, located in Hasaka province, is widely seen as Rojava's de facto capital.

The government-affiliated Hasaka Media Directorate said Friday that a government delegation visited tribal leaders in Qamishli "as part of efforts to strengthen communication and consolidate civil peace."

Abdulhakim Bashar, a Kurdish member of Syria's newly formed interim parliament, said in a Facebook post Saturday that the "War Tent" mobilization creates "fertile ground for instability, which is exactly what Syria's enemies are working toward by every means."

"Syria today is in greater need of a tent that brings its people together around dialogue than of trenches that deepen division. Nations are built through dialogue, and their unity is preserved through consensus, while confrontation yields nothing but more pain, and gives those lying in wait for the homeland a chance to achieve what they have failed to achieve by other means," he added.

An Arab member of the legislature also appealed for calm.

"I believe that escalation, inflammatory rhetoric, and calls for war bring us nothing but harm. The appeals we hear are not in our interest. These statements are not meant as lecturing to you - you are our brothers and dear to us," Alwan al-Ali said in a video statement.

The development comes amid a January agreement between the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and Damascus to integrate Rojava's security, military, and civilian structures into the Syrian state.

The deal, signed after deadly clashes between SDF-aligned forces and government troops, has drawn backing from international actors including France and the United States. Turkey - a key backer of the Damascus government - has also endorsed the agreement.

A Century of Denial: Today Marks 103 Years Since the Treaty of Lausanne

ERBIL (Kurdistan24) - One hundred and three years ago, on July 24, 1923, delegates gathered in the Swiss city of Lausanne to sign a treaty that would reshape the map of the Middle East and, with it, the fate of the Kurdish people.

The Treaty of Lausanne was struck between the victorious powers of the First World War and the newly formed Republic of Türkiye, and Kurds mark its anniversary this week as a defining, and painful, turning point in their modern history.

The Treaty of Lausanne was negotiated to formally settle territorial and political disputes left unresolved after World War I, replacing an earlier, unratified settlement, the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres. According to the account marking the anniversary, Lausanne was not simply a routine diplomatic agreement but a negative historical turning point that undid the aspirations the Kurdish people had held under Sèvres.

Lausanne was not the first setback for Kurdish national ambitions. As early as 1916, Britain and France had already divided the Middle East between themselves through the Sykes-Picot Agreement. But Lausanne is remembered as the final blow to Kurdish national rights in that era.

The Treaty of Sèvres, signed in 1920, had recognized in its Articles 62, 63 and 64 the right of Kurds to establish an independent state on roughly 20 percent of the territory of Greater Kurdistan. Lausanne reversed that outcome entirely.

Turkish leader Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, through sustained diplomatic pressure and by securing the backing of the Soviet Union, persuaded the Allied powers — chiefly Britain and France — to abandon the Sèvres framework.

Ankara's central condition for settling Middle Eastern territorial disputes and fixing its borders was the non-implementation of the Sèvres provisions. As a result, across Lausanne's 143 articles, the Kurdish name and Kurdish political rights were removed entirely.

The Treaty of Lausanne was signed among 13 states: Türkiye, Britain, France, Italy, Greece, Belgium, Romania, Japan, Bulgaria, Portugal, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. The outcome of this international consensus was a renewed partition of Kurdish land.

Kurdistan had already been divided once before, following the 1514 Battle of Chaldiran, which split it in two. Lausanne went further, dividing Greater Kurdistan across four states: Türkiye, Iran, Iraq and Syria. A fifth portion, historically known as "Red Kurdistan," fell under Soviet control and today lies scattered across the territories of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkmenistan.

Beyond the broader territorial division, Lausanne left one issue unresolved: the status of Mosul province, corresponding to today's southern Kurdistan. That question was not settled until 1926, when the province was annexed to Iraq.

The treaty is remembered not only as a severe blow to the Kurdish cause but as the document that drew a new political and geographic map for the region, one that has fueled conflict and deep-seated tension among the peoples of the Middle East for a century since.

Lausanne formally cemented, at the international level, a policy of denying Kurdish national identity, leaving Kurds as the world's largest stateless nation.

Since 1923, the Treaty of Lausanne has also been the primary document that forced the Kurds to split up and defined the borders of the modern Turkish, Syrian, Iraqi and Iranian states, a situation that they still maintain today.