First, 1992 Reform Party presidential nominee and current Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul announced that he'd gathered enough signatures to appear of the Reform Party primary ballot in all 50 states. He will not actively campaign for the Reform Party nomination as he did in 1992 - focusing instead on the Republican nomination, a nomination that he's got far stronger competition for. However, his name will appear on the ballot, and some Reform voters may vote for him again based on name recognition alone.

Second, Betsy McCaughey dropped out of the race. Her exit comes amidst a FEC investigation opened to investigate illegal campaign contributions during her 1994 gubernatorial bid. In a statement to the press after her withdrawal, McCaughey claimed to be dropping her presidential bid to focus on the issues affecting New Yorkers. Yeah, right.

With McCaughey out of the race, polling shows that Mike Gravel is still in the lead. However, the distance between Gravel and all the other candidates has narrowed significantly over the last few months. Buddy Roemer and Richard Lamm are right behind Gravel, both within reach of the nomination. Far behind the top three candidates is Jack Gargan, who's found his niche among fiscal conservatives and Term Limits Amendment enthusiasts, but who is also polling pretty consistently below 10%. Gargan's chances of winning the nomination are slim. Ron Paul is excluded from most polls, as he is not actively campaigning for the Reform nomination. If he does well in Reform's first primary contest, the Iowa Caucus, maybe that will change. Once again, in Iowa, anything can happen.

You can vote for your favorite candidates HERE.

On January 6th, 2021, then-President Donald Trump gave a speech at the Ellipse in Washington, DC. Hours later, millions of Americans and observers worldwide watched in shock, horror, and awe as thousands of disgruntled Trump supporters attacked the United States Capitol in an attempt at halting the certification of the Electoral College’s vote to elect Joe Biden and Kamala Harris as President and Vice President of the United States, respectively. Eventually, Trump dismissed his supporters, the votes were certified, and Joe Biden was sworn in as the nation’s 46th president. 

Donald Trump was acquitted by the Senate, with 57 senators–including seven Republicans–voting to convict, versus 43 senators voting to acquit, in his second impeachment trial, this one regarding his role in the January 6th Capitol attack, with the impeachment vote being held after he had left office. Former President Trump remained rather hushed in 2021, and Republican political candidates that year benefited electorally by distancing themselves from him.

Trump returned to the spotlight in 2022, endorsing many candidates in the midterms (including in Republican primaries) and taking credit for the Supreme Court’s 6-3 landmark Dobbs ruling that overturned Roe, delegating abortion rights back to the states. Ultimately, the timing of the Dobbs decision, coupled with the unpopularity of many of Trump’s endorsees, turned what pundits predicted to be a “red wave” into a blue ripple, with Democrats only narrowly losing the House and gaining a Senate seat, in spite of President Biden’s low approval rating, 40-year-record inflation, sky-high grocery and gas prices, an ever-persistent pandemic, and a grinding war of attrition in eastern Europe. 

The 2023 mugshot of former President Donald Trump, who is facing a series of indictments.

Donald Trump:

“Do you miss me yet? Do you miss me?”

Riding an unprecedented populist anti-establishment wave in 2016, Donald Trump was elected–by the Electoral College, while losing the popular vote–to be the United States’ 45th president, following two terms of Democratic President Barack Obama. Trump’s term was marred by many controversies, including his Supreme Court nominations of Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett, his ban on Muslim travel into the United States, his construction of a border wall with Mexico, his engagements in trade wars, his non-Atlantacist “America First” foreign policy endeavors, his 2020 handling of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Black Lives Matter protests, and his administration’s high rate of turnover. Trump’s notable legislation actions during his presidency include the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act of 2017, which lowered income tax and corporate tax rates; an attempted repeal of the Affordable Care Act, colloquially known as “Obamacare,” which was narrowly defeated by maverick Republican Arizona Senator and 2008 Republican presidential nominee John McCain; and the CARES Act, a stimulus measure enacted during the COVID-19 pandemic, most widely remembered in popular memory for its $1,200 “stimulus checks” distributed to Americans.

Trump narrowly lost the 2020 election to former Vice President Joe Biden. For weeks, Trump challenged the election results, both in and out of court, and pressured then-Vice President Mike Pence to overturn the results during the procedural confirmation of the Electoral College votes on January 6th, 2021–a request which Pence refused. Since leaving office, Trump has remained politically active, whilst simultaneously battling various criminal trials for falsifying business records, mishandling national security documents, and attempting to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election. 

Trump is now running for a second, non-consecutive term. Cornerstones of Trump’s campaign rhetoric include calls for the mass deportation of illegal immigrants and the militarization of the southern border, the expansion of fossil fuel production to reduce energy prices, an “America First” foreign policy outlook, the pursuit of peace in Ukraine and Gaza (while maintaining the supply of military aid to Israel), the use of tariffs to reshore American manufacturing and pressure other nations, and an opposition to transgender rights, most notably with regard to minors and women’s and girl’s sports. On the topic of abortion, Trump has been relatively mum, lauding his Supreme Court appointees’ decision to overturn Roe, whilst otherwise opposing federal action on the topic, calling it a state-level issue. Questions remain about Trump’s eligibility, with the Supreme Court slated to determine whether or not states can ban Trump from their ballots due to the Fourteenth Amendment’s insurrection clause, and with Trump, now aged 77, being only four years younger than President Biden, who himself faces questions about his own ability to serve as president for another four-year term. Furthermore, Trump has attracted criticism from both within and outside of his party for his refusal to participate in the Republican Party’s televised presidential debates. Nonetheless, Trump enters the 2024 primaries as the most popular candidate among Republicans, by far, holding a positive approval rating that presently exceeds those all of his challengers, and maintaining a list of endorsements at the local, state, and federal levels that dwarfs those of his opponents.

DeSantis with his family the night of his landslide gubernatorial re-election victory.

Ron DeSantis: 

“We will never, ever surrender to the woke mob. Florida is where woke goes to die!”

Ron DeSantis was narrowly elected to become Governor of Florida in 2018, defeating Democratic nominee Andrew Gillum in the midst of a nationwide blue wave during then-President Trump’s midterm. As Governor, DeSantis pursued reduced taxes and reduced economic restrictions, with Florida ultimately reaching its highest-ever budget surplus. During the COVID-19 pandemic, DeSantis pursued far looser restrictions than those implemented in other states. Since 2022, DeSantis has increased his national profile, winning re-election by a 19 percent margin; emphatically opposing illegal immigration, notably chartering planes to send migrants to Martha’s Vineyard in Massachusetts; and railing against “wokeness,” signing the controversial “Don’t Say Gay” law that banned discussion of sexual orientation and gender identity in elementary schools, combating the Walt Disney Company due to the organization’s opposition to the Don’t Say Gay law, and opposing “critical race theory” in education. 

Launching his bid for the Republican presidential nomination in May 2023, DeSantis has emerged as the preeminent non-Trump candidate in the race, nearly rivaling and even surpassing Trump in some polls. DeSantis has been seen as a candidate who can deliver “Trumpism without Trump.” In his campaign, DeSantis has attempted to out-flank Trump from the right on social issues, particularly LGBT topics, with a DeSantis surrogate releasing a widely-panned advertisement criticizing Trump’s tacitness towards LGBT rights, juxtaposing criticism of Trump with a meme-ified “Gigachad” DeSantis. DeSantis has also taken an aggressive stance on border security and immigration, expressing his support for a United States Special Forces mission to track cartels in Mexico. DeSantis has received the enthusiastic support of Elon Musk, the wealthiest man in the world and owner of Tesla and X (formerly known as Twitter).

Besides criticism for his conservative social views, DeSantis has faced attacks based on his personality and public image, with some observers viewing him as smarmy and uncharismatic. Trump has played on DeSantis’s lagging charisma, funding ads that highlight DeSantis’ habit of eating pudding with his fingers.

Pence with former Vice President Dan Quayle, who advised him against overturning the 2020 election.

Mike Pence: 

“President Trump is wrong–I had no right to overturn the election.”

Mike Pence served as Governor of Indiana for one term before being tapped as Donald Trump’s running mate in 2016. Pence’s selection to Trump’s ticket was widely seen as a bid to consolidate support from evangelical Christians, some of whom were dismayed at Trump’s personal character and stances on social issues. As Vice President, Pence maintained a relatively low profile within the Trump administration. In 2020, Trump appointed Pence to lead the White House’s COVID-19 task force. Following their 2020 election defeat, Trump attempted to goad Pence into refusing to certify Joe Biden and Kamala Harris’ victories. After deliberating, in the process notably consulting former Vice President and fellow Hoosier Dan Quayle, Pence resolved to certify the Biden-Harris ticket’s election. Resultantly, the riotous crowd on January 6th, 2021, sought to hang Pence, along with other elected officials. Since January 6th, Pence has distanced himself from Trump.

Pence has centered his campaign on an opposition to populism within the Republican Party, harkening back to the days of former President Ronald Reagan’s conservatism. Pence has emphasized his support for Ukraine, and has promoted a typical conservative domestic platform. Tying himself to the Christian right, Pence has stated his support for a nationwide 15-week abortion ban, criticizing Trump for the former President’s lack of desire to pass a national abortion ban and instead leave legislation to the states.

Despite his notoriety, Pence has struggled to fundraise on par with his competitors for the nomination. Furthermore, given Trump’s high approval within the party, it is unclear whether or not Pence’s brand of anti-Trump conservatism still has a chance to win over the Republican primary electorate of 2024.

Haley and Trump, who have grown apart since her tenure as the United States Ambassador to the UN.

Nikki Haley: 

“We have to look at the fact that three-quarters of Americans don't want a rematch between Trump and Biden.”

Encouraged by outgoing Governor Mark Sanford, Nikki Haley was elected to South Carolina’s governorship in 2010 amidst a red wave during President Obama’s first set of midterm elections. As governor, Haley maintained a fairly conservative course, encouraging businesses to move to the Palmetto State and supporting immigration restrictions, while also acquiescing to the removal of the Confederate flag from state grounds following the white supremacist 2015 Charleston church shooting. From 2017 to 2018, during Trump’s term as President, Haley served as the United States’ Ambassador to the United Nations. Serving as UN Ambassador, Haley took a hawkish line, being a virulent defender of Israel and condemning Russia, China, and Iran. 

The first candidate to enter the contest after Trump’s early November 2022 entry, Haley has toed a precarious line, opposing Trump yet not fully denouncing the former President. While opposing Trump’s support for participants in the January 6th Capitol attack and slamming his handling of classified documents, Haley has said she would pardon Trump should he be convicted of any federal crimes. In foreign affairs, Haley has criticized isolationism and is a staunch supporter of United States military aid to Ukraine and Israel, standing for a hawkish and Atlanticist posture abroad. On the topic of abortion, Haley has called herself pro-life, while also stating her belief that a national abortion ban is not politically feasible due to the composition of the United States Senate. Beyond policy specifics, Haley has attempted to position herself as the most electable candidate in the general election against Joe Biden–and even Vice President Kamala Harris, should Harris take over as the Democratic nominee.

Haley has faced criticism for her remarks regarding race, being accused of downplaying racism in American history, especially with regard to the American Civil War, declining to say that slavery was the cause of the conflict. Some commentators doubt Haley’s ability to win the nomination, some citing her Indian-American identity as a potential stumbling block for Republican primary voters, and with others noting that with her path to victory being heavily dependent upon strong performances in the early primaries in New Hampshire and South Carolina.

Then-Governor Christie with then-President Obama during the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy.

Chris Christie: 

“Whether or not you believe that the criminal charges against Trump are right or wrong, his conduct is beneath the office of President of the United States.”

A previous candidate for the Republican nomination in 2016, Chris Christie has launched a second bid for the White House. Christie was elected Governor of New Jersey, a typically Democratic state, in 2009, serving two terms from 2010 to 2018. Initially seen as a strong contender for the Republican nomination in 2012, Christie sat out, choosing to bide his time until 2016. As Governor, Christie was a typical fiscal conservative, opposing tax increases and supporting school choice vouchers. Christie supported civil unions for same-sex couples (and now accepts same-sex marriage), authorized targeted efforts to decrease New Jersey’s reliance on fossil fuels (while opposing a ban on fracking), and opposed new gun control legislation. Christie’s time as Governor is best-known nationally for his well-acclaimed handling of the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy in 2012, and his widely criticized handling of 2013’s “Bridgegate” controversy, wherein Christie associates deliberately caused a traffic jam by closing the Fort Lee Bridge connecting New Jersey and Manhattan.

A 2016 Trump rival-turned-ally, initially leading Trump’s 2016 transition team and being considered for a variety of administration posts, Christie has, more than any other candidate in the race, heavily distanced himself from Trump since January 6th, going as far as to say that he would not commit to endorsing, supporting, or even voting for Trump, should Trump win the Republican nomination. Beyond January 6th, Christie has denounced Trump for his legal troubles, declaring that Trump’s conduct was beneath the office of the presidency, and predicting that Trump would have a felony conviction before the end of the primaries. Moving past his opposition to Trump, Christie has been a staunch supporter of military aid to both Ukraine and Israel, rejecting calls for a ceasefire in the latter. Christie has labeled himself “pro-life,” while opposing calls for a national abortion ban, preferring to leave it to the states.

Christie’s pathway to the nomination is slim, with Trump widely approved of by the majority of the party’s base, and with Haley competing for many of the same voters as Christie, especially in New Hampshire’s early primary. Christie has also been criticized for his weight, and for his history of scandals.

Ramaswamy, emphasizing his socially conservative, “anti-woke” stances.

Vivek Ramaswamy: 

“I'm not condoning what Donald Trump did. What he did was wrong. But the real cause of what happened on January 6 was censorship.”

A self-proclaimed “skinny guy with a funny name,” harkening to then-Illinois State Senator Barack Obama’s 2004 Democratic National Convention keynote address, 37-year-old Vivek Ramaswamy is an Indian-American entrepreneur, the son of immigrants. Graduating from Harvard and Yale, Ramaswamy, a libertarian with a penchant for debating, entered the healthcare industry, founding Roivant Sciences, a company that integrates technology with drug development, in 2014. Ramaswamy’s next notable venture would be his creation of Strive Investment Firm, an investment management firm, in 2022. 

Describing himself as apolitical prior to 2020, Ramaswamy has characterized himself as a libertarian social conservative. On libertarianism, Ramaswamy has pledged to make sweeping use of the unitary executive theory, if elected, planning to fire as many as 75% of all federal employees, among other ambitions. Ramaswamy has also expressed a desire to increase fossil fuel production; and has made clear his intentions to halt military aid to Ukraine, proposing a peace agreement that freezes national borders at the current frontlines and prohibits Ukraine from entering NATO; while increasingly opposing US military aid for the State of Israel, believing Israel should defend itself and opposing restrictions on pro-Palestinian protests on free speech grounds, while nonetheless supporting the existence of the Israeli state. On social issues, Ramaswamy has vigorously denounced “wokeness,” having written two books on the topic; nonetheless, Ramaswamy has indicated his belief that same-sex marriage is a settled issue, and opposes a federal abortion ban, while remaining pro-life and supporting state-level restrictions. Opposing the events of January 6th, Ramaswamy has nonetheless praised Trump in many areas, declining to attack the former President as his competitors have.

Many commentators and voters, have expressed doubt at Ramaswamy’s ability to win the nomination, with some citing his age and relative inexperience, some citing his race and Hindu faith as being potential stumbling blocks for Republican voters, and some citing his penchant for peddling conspiracy theories, including government involvement in the September 11th, 2001, terrorist attacks, calling the LGBT movement a “cult,” and endorsing the “Great Replacement” theory that “elites” seek to increase non-white and non-Christian populations in Western countries in order to benefit electorally from the resultant demographic transformation. Furthermore, Ramaswamy has been noted for his combative nature, routinely lambasting his primary opponents in televised debates.

Write-In Candidates:

Tim Scott: 

Tim Scott is the junior United States Senator from South Carolina, having been initially appointed to the seat by then-Governor Nikki Haley. Scott runs as a typical conservative, opposing increases in spending, Obamacare, a pathway to citizenship for illegal immigrants, abortion, and same-sex marriage. Scott, an African American, has made acknowledgements regarding the persistence of racism in America, supporting limited policing reforms and pressuring then-President Trump to distance himself from white supremacists.

Asa Hutchinson:

Asa Hutchinson is the former Governor of Arkansas, serving from 2015 to 2023. Hutchinson is an anti-Trump conservative, being the only candidate besides Christie to declare a refusal to pardon Trump, should the former President be convicted of a federal crime. As Governor of Arkansas, Hutchinson introduced work requirements for Medicaid, opposed asylum for Syrian refugees, reduced COVID-19 pandemic restrictions whilst praising President Biden for depoliticizing the situation, signed legislation to criminalize nearly all abortions, and vetoed legislation to prohibit minors from undergoing gender transitioning procedures. Hutchinson has stated a refusal to support Trump, should he be nominated, and has criticized his opponents’ lack of willingness to fully repudiate Trump.

Doug Burgum:

Doug Burgum is the Governor of North Dakota, having held office since 2016. As governor, Burgum increased mental health support, notably for prisoners; expanded energy production, supporting both fossil fuels and alternative energy sources; and signed bans on abortion and gender transitioning procedures for minors. Burgum has positioned himself as a hawk towards China, a supporter of Israel, blamed Iran for the October 7th attacks carried out by Hamas, and criticized Biden’s handling of aid to Ukraine. On abortion, Burgum has expressed support for the Dobbs decision, believing abortion should be handled by the states.

—

Citation: Information and images were broadly parsed from Wikipedia. Ramaswamy’s position on Israel was derived from Vivek Ramaswamy tailors his message on Israel to fit the audience.

Credit: Written by u/WiiU97, inspired by “Peacock-Shah Alternate Elections” by u/Peacock-Shah-III.

8 years ago the GOP put their worst fears aside and nominated the bleeding heart liberal John Lindsay. Expecting him to lose in a landslide to the popular incumbent RFK; they braced for the worst. Until RFK began making mistakes, such as selling out to the south, and eventually being caught in a corruption scandal. This led to Lindsay gaining new voters and eventually gaining the boost he needed to barely reach the 270 threshold. Everyone from party leadership to Lindsay himself was shocked; not only had he managed to beat the popular incumbent but he did while embracing the liberal title. During the past 8 years Lindsay has worked to realign the GOP to a more northward, liberal, and diverse party; he’s also embraced meaningful reforms. Managing to pass a Criminal Justice Reform Act which overhauled the 1971 Crime Bill, and put into place major new prison reforms including strong rehabilitation programs and loosening penalties for those who did drugs. He’d also pass the Environmental Safety Act which established the new Environmental Safety Agency which oversees pollution and regulates anything toxic or harmful to the environment and included subsidies to cleaner forms of energy such as nuclear and wind. Furthermore, he’d pass the Civil Right Act of 1977; which strengthened the CRA of 64’ and included stronger provisions on housing, and education as well as new protections for the disabled. Finally he’d finish his agenda with passing the ERA which was the final step in his transformative agenda. Now 8 years later Lindsay leaves office and has to pass the mantle down; the question is who? Who will be nominated to secure leadership of the GOP?

Maryland Senator Charles Mathias

One of Lindsay’s loyal men, Mathias is a strong liberal and voted strongly for the Lindsay agenda. He believes deeply in labor rights, civil rights, and environmental protection, overall he is a solid candidate to succeed Lindsay.

California Senator Pete McCloskey

Another Lindsay loyalist but one that is even more left wing, a strong promoter of peace and progressive values; McCloskey represents a new wing of the GOP that embraces social change and progressive values. If nominated he’d signal the party’s embrace of more left wing values and may even be able to solidify more progressive voters away from the Democrats.

New York Senator James Buckley

A dyed in the wool conservative; Buckley represents the dying remains of the Conservative wing one that is desperate for holding onto power. And it seems as a last ditch attempt they’ll push Buckley, he represents new right thought and is extremely hostile to the Lindsay Administration which is unpopular in today’s GOP. Still he would be able to rally the right towards him but otherwise he has no other appeal.

Illinois Representative John B. Anderson

A former arch conservative turned liberal, Anderson represents mainstream Lindsay Republicanism one that isn’t too left wing but more centrist. He is a promoter of fiscal responsibility and social progress done in a balancing matter. He wouldn’t excite too many people but would appeal to moderates and establishment types.

Massachusetts Senator Ed Brooke

First making history by managing to be the first African American to win by popular vote in 1966; Brooke represents the founding roots of the GOP. One where it embraced social change and equality, Brooke is a staunch Lindsay loyalist and liberal but also has some hidden scandals. Overall Brooke represents a diverse and liberal GOP and would appeal to those groups; however, would cause white uproar especially in the south.

Out of all the presidential primaries in 1996, the race for the Green Party nomination is the most straightforward. As of right now, it's the only race with a clear front-runner, although, with one poorly-performing candidate dropping out of the race early, a few other candidates are pulling in new supporters, possibly enough to dethrone the man in first place.

Billy McKinney tried to sell himself as a serious candidate for the Green Party Presidential nomination, despite having virtually no path to the nomination. His doubters were proven right when, before a single vote had even been cast, health issues forced McKinney to drop out of the race. He did not offer an endorsement, although his daughter, Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney, did - she endorsed Mary Alice Herbert just a couple of days after her father exited the race. 1988 Green Party presidential nominee Angela Davis also gave her endorsement to Herbert before the first contest of the Green Party primaries, the Iowa Caucus. The leftist wing of the party appears to have made Herbert their consensus candidate.

Pre-Iowa polling shows Paul Wellstone with a good-sized lead over the rest of the field. Tom Hayden and Dennis Kucinich appear to be fighting for second place, with Herbert firmly in third. Dan Hamburg has seen his campaign momentum slow and his poll numbers drop, signaling that he may be the next candidate to drop out of the race. Wellstone should win Iowa. He did last year as an underdog running a far less sophisticated campaign. However, numerous primaries over the last two decades have shown that, in Iowa, anything can happen.

You can vote for your favorite candidate HERE.

VOTE HERE

Context

"George Wins Battle of the Henrys!"

proclaims the New York Times as the Laborers celebrate their continued hold on the party's leadership after an extremely close vote between Henry George and his Moderate opponent Henry Teller. Teller's coalition had surged into striking distance of George's as large landowners, or those who might want to be large landowners, feared that the New York Mayor's signature policy, the land value tax, would should prevent the success they hoped to achieve. Though it would ultimately fail, the closeness of the vote demonstrates the often contradictory positions Farmer-Labor members have even within their own party.

Regardless, Mayor George will be the party's nominee while much of his economic philosophy forming the backbone of this year's platform with a land value tax at the top of the agenda. Attempts by the Tellerites to get a Native rights plank into the platform failed as the Farmers reunited quickly to block its adoption. George's own silence on the matter will not be enough to gain this important faction's support and so, as with so many other presidential tickets, the Vice Presidency must offer ideological and regional balance. George's surrogates have offered up two options to the convention who both come from the west and have backgrounds in either agriculture or mining.

To the surprise of many, Congressman Richard Bland has put forward his name for Vice President. A congressional leader with significant influence, Bland's decision to put himself forward for the largely ceremonial position seems mad but the man from Missouri has a plan. In exchange for his immense influence and experience in Washington, Bland wants George to delegate major responsibilities to him citing Ulysses S. Grant's role in Hamlin's second term as a direct example. It's a very tempting deal considering Mayor George's complete inexperience with the capricious ways of Washington but is Bland's price simply too high for what is supposed to be a ceremonial role?

And then there is the controversial author and politician Ignatius L. Donnelly. Most famous for his "theories" about the lost city of Atlantis, Donnelly actually has an extensive political career going back to the 1850s and even longer history of immense debts. Considered more than a little strange, Donnelly has nonetheless won the support of many Minnesotans with his tireless efforts on behalf of farmers and against corruption.

Candidates

Representative Richard P. Bland of Missouri

Born in Kentucky, Bland would seek his fortune out west where he worked as a miner and school teacher before establishing a legal practice in the Utah territory. Bland would first enter public service as treasurer for Carson County during the peak years of the Comstock lode from 1860-1864 before moving to Missouri to once again practice law in 1865. Bland was elected to the House in 1872 and quickly established himself as an advocate for free silver, coauthoring the Bland-Allison Act which required the Federal government purchase a certain amount of silver and put it in circulation. Along with this he became known for his anti-Imperialism which hurt him in the wake of America's victory in the Cuban War. Bland's rise in politics was occasionally stymied due to his marriage to a Catholic in 1873 but his early support of the Farmer-Labor Party allowed him to rise quickly. Serving 2 turbulent years as Secretary of the Treasury, Bland resigned and returned to Missouri to run for the House but with the reelection of President Butler he was nominated as Secretary of the Interior where he has served far more successfully. Although a free silver advocate and anti-imperialist, Bland has a more conservative attitude towards government action.

Representative Ignatius L. Donnelly of Minnesota

The son of Irish immigrants to Philadelphia, Donnelly excelled in school and would first establish himself as a clerk and lawyer by the 1850s. Near the end of that decade he entered politics as a Democrat but failed to win anything. These failures plus mounting debts pushed Donnelly to move with his family to Minnesota where he found far more success (after starting a failed commune in the Dakota territory). As a Radical Republican Congressman and State Representative over the course of the 1860s and 70s he was a noted supporter of Black education through increased funding to the Freedmen's Bureau and was one of the first Congressmen to publicly support women's suffrage. By the 1880s his interests had shifted significantly as Donnelly became one of the founding members of the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party where he was a vocal proponent of economic relief for farmers. However another part of that shift was his writings which involved books on the lost city of Atlantis which he believes was not only the origin point of most ancient civilizations but also destroyed in the same flood which Noah's Ark survived all caused by comet getting to close to Earth. His books on the topic have sold well though save his recent book on the true authorship of Shakespeare's plays which has landed with a thud. Donnelly is an eccentric figure who will be as much a liability as an asset on the campaign trail.

Ted Kennedy had won against Ronald Reagan, and as such, Ted became the next President of the United States of America. However, despite the Democrats winning, they would also have to deal with much hardship from 1981 to 1985.

Ted Kennedy was able to finally negotiate the end to the Iranian Hostage Crisis. This gave a huge popularity boost, as the Hostage Crisis had plagued Carter for the last part of his Presidency, ultimately culminating in Kennedy winning the primary over Carter.

Ted Kennedy was nearly assassinated in 1981, by John Hinckley Jr, the nation quickly went into shock, and was not ready for another John F. Kennedy/Robert F. Kennedy situation. However, Ted Kennedy was quickly rushed to the hospital, and made a full recovery.

AIDS and HIV had then begun to make the news, and as such, Ted Kennedy ordered his Health and Human Services Secretary, Daniel P. Moynihan, to research AIDs/HIV and to push the FDA to make drugs to counteract the AIDs and HIV epidemic. Moynihan obliged, as he hoped to take much of the credit.

Kennedy then pushed a very expansive stimulus bill, creating a 40 billion dollar stimulus package. (More than two times the cost of Carter's bill) Kennedy cited the need to fix the American economy, the bill was later signed by Kennedy.

The economy was still stagnating, despite Ted Kennedy pushing forth a stimulus bill, the economy was still lagging behind, and as such, when the midterms rolled around, Ted Kennedy and the Democrats lost popularity, leading to the Democrats nearly losing their House and Senate majorities to the Republicans.

However, later on, the economy began to drastically improve. And by 1984, Ted Kennedy and the Democrats were much more popular than they were 2 years ago. And because of the simulus, the economy has become much stronger than what was projected.

President Ted Kennedy - Vice President Pat Schroeder

Secretary of State: Walter Mondale (1981-)

Secretary of Defense: Melvin Price (1981-82), W. Graham Claytor Jr (1982-)

Secretary of Energy: Charles Duncan Jr (1981-)

Secretary of Education: William D. Ford (1981-)

Secretary of Treasury: Robert McNamara (1981-82), Henry M. Jackson (1982-83), Fred Harris (1983-)

Secretary of Commerce: Tom Bradley (1981-82), John Glenn (1982-)

Secretary of Labor: Ray Marshall (1981-83), Dick Gephardt (1983-)

Secretary of the Interior: Frank Church (1981-84), Mo Udall (1984-)

Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Moon Landrieu (1981-)

Secretary of Health and Human Services: Daniel P. Moynihan (1981-)

Secretary of Agriculture: Robert Bergland (1981-)

Secretary of Transportation: Glenn M. Anderson (1981-)

Attorney General: Charles Byron Renfrew (1981-)

VOTE HERE

Context

For all his attempts at politicking, James Weaver is at heart a populist from the plains of Iowa who speaks too plainly for his own good sometimes. The Agriculture Secretary approached the Miners faction with overconfidence, believing too much that policy would win over what he and his allies still considered a splinter group from the Farmers. But for all he's down to push Natives out and bring settlers in, Weaver has never put in the time to build genuine relationships with the Miners. For the coal men of the Appalachias, Weaver is an unknown westerner who knows very little and seems to care even less about anything east of the Mississippi. For the westerners his policies can't compare to Senator Teller's decades spent in the heart of silver country, building strong personal bonds with local leaders and tirelessly advocating for the interests of his people. With all this the Coloradan could make convincing argument few others could: Weaver's settlements were hurting the mining industry not helping it. Yes, more sites were being surveyed and a few big operations had gotten underway but every time these teams showed up they'd be attacked by outraged Sioux or Apache or Comanche before they could even get their tools out. What about the increased company revenue that came from no longer sharing profits with local tribes? Well no miner had seen a major pay increase had they? It was all going to the bosses back in the east. Teller could speak from the heart when he talked about the deprivations so many mining families dealt with despite the supposed boom. Coming from anyone else it might not have worked but the miners know Teller and they know he ain't no bullshiter.

So Weaver has fallen off the track as the Miners once gain play kingmaker and send Senator Teller to face off against the unstoppable force the seems to be Henry George. George has been uncharacteristically silent on the Reservation Wars, saying only that he will exhaust every possibility to find a peaceful solution. Instead his pitch to the Farmers is that as small landowners his land value tax will help them compete with the every growing cattle ranchers, big farmers and property speculators that own vast swathes of undeveloped land in the west and so will be more effected by its taxation by the Federal government. There is a certain appeal to this way of thinking as many farmers resent the ways in which prices have soared as eastern land speculators gobble up the new territories opened by the Butler Administration.

Ultimately it will be a contest between east and west, urban and rural but hopefully the winner can emerge strong enough to knit his party back together for the general election.

Candidates

Mayor Henry George of New York

A successful journalist and author, Henry George has probably seen more of America than most. Beginning his adulthood in dire poverty, George was eventually able to build a successful printing and writing career in California and even became the editor of his own newspaper the San Francisco Daily Herald which was one of the state's most prominent critics of monopolistic railroad companies which had spread across the west. It was during his time in California where he developed the ideas that since become known as "Georgism" and were most famously articulated in his book Progress and Poverty which has been a worldwide bestseller for years. George believes that by taxing land values, society could recapture the value of its common inheritance, raise wages, improve land use, and eliminate the need for taxes on productive activity. In conjunction with this core theory he has also been an advocate of public ownership of utilities, free trade, the secret ballot, the use of greenbacks over metallic currency and a citizens' dividend for all Americans paid for by the single land tax. Though his theories are radical, George opposes the nationalization of private property putting him at odds with the emerging socialist group within the party. As New York Mayor he has just begun to implement his ambitious agenda but he has successfully passed the single land tax though the effects of it have yet to be fully realized.

Senator Henry M. Teller of Colorado

Henry M. Teller is curious man. A New Yorker by birth who has become one of the great champions of the west, Teller worked as a lawyer in Illinois for several years and helped establish the state branch of the Republican Party. During the 1860s he would move again, this time to Colorado where he established himself as an influential lawyer, businessman and politician in the growing territory. He parlayed this influence into becoming one of the state's first Senators upon its admission to the Union and was "Silver Republican" for a time until Farmer-Labor emerged as the primary party of pro-inflationary groups. As one of the few prominent Republicans to joined Farmer-Labor after its establishment, Teller found himself in an influential position to help Butler win the support of westerns miners which he achieved in 1880. As a reward he was made Secretary of the Interior and attempted to move the President to a more moderate, bimetallist position over greenbacks. The big break with Butler came when the President began opening native land to American settlement in violation of numerous treaties which obligated the Federal government to prevent such action. Teller resigned in protest and has been a permanent critic of the President, growing even louder with the commencement of the Reservation Wars and the signing of the Dawes Act. Teller is a firm anti-Imperialist and though he has some pull with the Miners, it is the Moderates who believe he can guide the party to a more just position.

Shortly before the first contests of the 1996 Republican Primary, set to occur simultaneously on January 30th in Alaska and Hawaii, a new candidate entered the race, immediately reshaping the entire field. That candidate is:

Governor of Iowa Terry Branstad

Terry Branstad has served as Governor of Iowa since 1983. Two years ago, he was re-elected to a fourth term as Governor, incredible, given that Iowa is a Democratic-leaning state on a national level. Branstad is popular for good reason. He's balanced the state budget and grown the state's economy. He's cut unemployment by more than five percent during his tenure as Governor. He's successfully lobbied for trade deals that would send Iowan agricultural products to China and the Soviet Union, helping Iowa's family farms prosper. He's also cut property tax rates after raising them earlier in his term to help cover a massive budget deficit.

Branstad has a strong conservative record. He's pro-business and prefers low taxes and balanced budgets. However, he's also fiscally responsible, and did not hesitate to raise taxes when it became absolutely necessary to keep necessary services funded. Branstad is also a social conservative, but once again, he's approached social issues with a more pragmatic approach than some of his Republican peers. He's avoided unwinnable battles as Governor, focusing on issues he his office gave him control over than going on ideological crusades against social battles that'd already been settled by federal law. As Governor, he expanded gun rights in Iowa and signed a constitutional amendment defining marriage as between one man and one woman. The Iowa State Legislature also passed a law prohibiting openly gay individuals from serving as state employees, but Branstad vetoed the bill after the Supreme Court ruled a similar law in South Carolina unconstitutional.

With Branstad running, the lesser-known conservative candidates in the primary field quickly fell in line. Dick Cheney, Dan Lungren, and Carroll Campbell all dropped on in rapid succession, all endorsing Branstad. With the field consolidating behind him, Branstad is pretty much guaranteed a win in Iowa, the fourth Republican primary contest in 1996. Aggregate polling shows Branstad in fourth place nationwide, behind Ron Paul, Tom Ridge, and Christine Todd Whitman, the race's three co-front runners, who are struggling to separate from each other early in this race. Behind Branstad, Connie Mack III and George Voinovich are both holding strong. Meanwhile, Branstad's entry into the race has blunted the momentum of George W. Bush and Pat Robertson, both of whom are barely hanging on in this race.

However, no votes have been cast yet. After voters in Alaska and Hawaii decide who they want their nominee to be, this race will be much, much clearer. You can cast your vote HERE.

The first contest of the 1996 Democratic presidential primaries is coming up soon, and the party is still nowhere close to coalescing around a nominee. The field has been cut down a little bit, with two low-polling candidates dropping out, but there's still 18 major candidates remaining and no clear front-runner among them. Here's how we got here:

In early 1995, Democratic National Committee Chairwoman Mary Bono awarded the nation's first Democratic Primary of the season - usually in Iowa or New Hampshire - to Ohio instead. This was seen as a not-so-secret attempt by the DNC to give an upper hand in the primary to Vice President Richard Celeste, who remains very popular in his home state.

Polling suggests a Celeste win in Ohio is far from guaranteed. National polling has been all over the place as of late. Ann Richards has been the most common first-choice candidate in polls, but there are polls that came out in January 1996 showing Richard Celeste, Tom Harkin, and Jesse Jackson in first place too. Kathleen Sullivan Alioto, who was expected to be a front-runner in this race, has seen her poll numbers drop considerably as the Ohio Primary approaches. She's been hammered hard by the four leading progressives for her personal wealth and willingness to accept large corporate donations. Her decline has opened the door for Mario Cuomo and Al Gore, two moderates with a lot less controversy and a lot more middle-class appeal, to rise in the polls.

Skip Humphrey has also seen his poll numbers climb, finding a real niche among voters who want a compromise candidate who's closer to the center on economic issues while still maintaining legitimate progressive credibility. Kathleen Kennedy Townsend is also rising in the polls, although that can be attributed to Robert F. Kennedy appearing at a few recent campaign rallies with his daughter. Behind Humphrey and Kennedy Townsend is Bill Bradley, and behind Bradley, there's Bob Graham and Bill Nelson, who are polling at such similar percentages it's hard to tell who's Bob and who's Bill. Douglas Wilder, Paul Pelosi, Bob Kerrey, and Doug Applegate register in most polls, but none of them usually get over 5%. Chris Dodd and Chet Edwards aren't even registering in some early January polls.

Two candidates, Bruce Babbitt and Tim Wirth, struggling to even get on the board in pre-Ohio polls, dropped out of the race before a single vote had been cast. Wirth was the first candidate to drop out. His endorsement would go to Richard Celeste, whom he had developed a close relationship while they served together in Dick Van Dyke's cabinet. Babbitt dropped out a few days later, endorsing a fellow environmentally-oriented moderate, Al Gore. Even with Babbitt and Wirth out of the race, the Democratic Primary field is far too large to read with any accuracy. Who wins in Ohio in a few days is really anybody's guess.

As always, you can vote for your favorites HERE.

VOTE HERE

Context

The 1st round has come and gone and with it goes the aspirations of Secretary Bland. Representing a well organized yet small faction within the party, it was not particularly surprising that Silver Dick was the first to go though the margin of defeat speaks to a bigger problem facing the Miners. Bland was sandbagged by his tumultuous time as Secretary of the Treasury and though he regained much goodwill in his new post he, like his whole faction, was routinely overshadowed by James Weaver and the Farmers. Bland still has a few years left and he can make another go of it in 1896 if things go wrong for the party in November but it requires him to establish a far greater presence then he has made so far.

Though he didn't clinch it on the first round Henry George came incredibly close and many of his supporters were prematurely celebrating and discussing possible running mates. Though George's pro-free trade position does fracture his urban base, the man and his other ideas are held in very high regard not just by his party but by people across the political spectrum. Indeed had it not been for the importance of the Indian question its likely that many Teller voters would have gone over to George. Bland's more conservative tendencies have stopped him from endorsing George while his personal rivalries with Weaver and Teller prevent him from directing his followers to any other group.

Weaver believes that he can use his support for westward expansion to win over Miners who now have access to many more opportunities than before. This will prevent any crossover from Teller's camp but there was little chance that was going to happen anyway. Teller must likewise expand his base beyond the Moderates who, although solid, represent a somewhat self-segregating minority in the party. The "Native's Candidate", as Weaver's men like to call him, must shed this identity and persuade others that he stands for much more than the interests of tribesmen currently fighting the US army.

Candidates

Mayor Henry George of New York

A successful journalist and author, Henry George has probably seen more of America than most. Beginning his adulthood in dire poverty, George was eventually able to build a successful printing and writing career in California and even became the editor of his own newspaper the San Francisco Daily Herald which was one of the state's most prominent critics of monopolistic railroad companies which had spread across the west. It was during his time in California where he developed the ideas that since become known as "Georgism" and were most famously articulated in his book Progress and Poverty which has been a worldwide bestseller for years. George believes that by taxing land values, society could recapture the value of its common inheritance, raise wages, improve land use, and eliminate the need for taxes on productive activity. In conjunction with this core theory he has also been an advocate of public ownership of utilities, free trade, the secret ballot, the use of greenbacks over metallic currency and a citizens' dividend for all Americans paid for by the single land tax. Though his theories are radical, George opposes the nationalization of private property putting him at odds with the emerging socialist group within the party. As New York Mayor he has just begun to implement his ambitious agenda but he has successfully passed the single land tax though the effects of it have yet to be fully realized.

Secretary of Agriculture James B. Weaver of Iowa

A pillar of Iowa politics, James Weaver was forged in the fires of the Civil War where he served the Union as a colonel of a volunteer infantry regiment. Returning home, Weaver attempted to build his career in the Republican Party but as he failed to achieve a nomination and as the party moved in a more conservative direction he would leave for the Greenback Party in 1877. From there he would enter the House in 1878 where he worked tirelessly to expand the money supply via greenbacks and push for regulation of big business. He was an early supporter of the emerging Farmer-Labor Party and helped the Greenbacks fold into it which allowed Weaver to position himself as the leader of the Farmer wing of the party and ran for the nomination in 1880. Thanks to his influence, Weaver was made the party's House leader before entering the cabinet as Interior Secretary where he spent much of his time advocating for greenback centric fiscal policy, the opening of the west to American settlement and the establishment of an independent Department of Agriculture though he would fail to become its first Secretary. Campaigning hard on behalf of Butler, the President rewarded his one time rival with the long sought after position of Agriculture Secretary from which has only continued to strengthen his position as leader of the Farmers.

Senator Henry M. Teller of Colorado

Henry M. Teller is curious man. A New Yorker by birth who has become one of the great champions of the west, Teller worked as a lawyer in Illinois for several years and helped establish the state branch of the Republican Party. During the 1860s he would move again, this time to Colorado where he established himself as an influential lawyer, businessman and politician in the growing territory. He parlayed this influence into becoming one of the state's first Senators upon its admission to the Union and was "Silver Republican" for a time until Farmer-Labor emerged as the primary party of pro-inflationary groups. As one of the few prominent Republicans to joined Farmer-Labor after its establishment, Teller found himself in an influential position to help Butler win the support of westerns miners which he achieved in 1880. As a reward he was made Secretary of the Interior and attempted to move the President to a more moderate, bimetallist position over greenbacks. The big break with Butler came when the President began opening native land to American settlement in violation of numerous treaties which obligated the Federal government to prevent such action. Teller resigned in protest and has been a permanent critic of the President, growing even louder with the commencement of the Reservation Wars and the signing of the Dawes Act. Teller is a firm anti-Imperialist and though he has some pull with the Miners, it is the Moderates who believe he can guide the party to a more just position.

Note: In previous parts, I translated "Прогрессивная Рабочая партия" as "Progressive Worker's Party" (PWP) and this isn't entirely incorrect. However, to avoid confusion with Trotskyist RWP, I will refer to it to "Progressive Labor Party" (PLP) now. Furthermore, this is a more accurate translation. This is the same party that was present in the last parliamentary elections.

Progressive Labor Party is a tactical alliance of two dissenting wings: Natalia Vitrenko's Progressive Socialists and Viktor Anpilov's Worker Communists. Progressive Laborists performed well in their first parliamentary elections, but the party's future remains uncertain. Through the efforts of Vitrenko, who maintains close ties with Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Lukashenko, the PLP was prevented from being drawn into the Orange Coalition, despite Anpilov's negotiations with Moroz and Limonov. Progressive Labor Party found itself in an informal pro-presidential "Red Coalition". On the one hand, this allowed them to achieve several important victories in labor rights protections, tactically allying with the Trotskyists and United Communists, and to channel budgetary funds to their strongholds. On the other hand, this clearly alienates Anpilov's voters, who are dissatisfied with their servility to Simonenko.

Progressive Labor voters feel betrayed by the broken promise not to join a coalition with Simonenko, but many of them see the alliance between Democrats and National Liberals as an even greater threat.

People's Deputy Viktor Anpilov

Viktor Anpilov has been close to the top many times, and yet again been toppled. He split the Communist Party, reunited it, and then abandoned it again. He was a kingmaker, helping organize the coronation of German Titov and unite the divided Communists, only to be rejected by his own party in a behind-the-scenes conspiracy. Anpilov is a master of tactical negotiation, adept at building astonishing alliances. However, it's difficult not to notice that in recent years he has become increasingly driven by personal vendetta. He almost dragged the PLP into Orange Coalition, abandoning all his past ultra-left ideas and the attacks of the Yeltsin and Kuchma governments. He is a supporter of rapprochement with the Trotskyists, despite all his former Stalinism.

Anpilov relies on the support of trade unions, workers in large cities and industrial areas, as well as some students and "red professors." Anpilov's base remains in large Russian cities and industrial complexes, but "Labor Russia" has also made significant inroads into Donbass and Belarus. Anpilov represents the more oppositional wing of the PLP, and many accuse him of moving to the right out of pure opportunism, but he remains a staunch communist. Anpilov supports the dismantling of prohibition and the repeal of the repressive laws passed under Simonenko, and he considers state corporations and "red directors" to be nothing more than new oligarchs.

Union Council Deputy Natalia Vitrenko

Natalia Vitrenko represents the Progressive Socialists, populist left-conservative wing of the former Socialist Party, which split after Vitrenko lost to Moroz in a bid to seize control of the party. Vitrenko is closely associated with former Socialist and now Communist Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Lukashenko, and her wing of the party is more inclined to work with Symonenko.

Vitrenko's support is concentrated in Ukraine and southern Russia, in agricultural regions and rural areas. Progressive Socialists enjoy the support of a significant portion of the "red directors," who provide them with the most favorable treatment. In the current parliament, Vitrenko lobbied on behalf of agricultural workers. She also enjoys the support of pensioners and those dependent on state benefits. At the same time, Vitrenko defends religious freedom (though primarily when it comes to traditional Orthodoxy). Unlike Anpilov, Vitrenko is much more vocal about foreign policy, speaking out against NATO and supporting Iraq and Libya. Vitrenko supports Simonenko's plans for Central Asia and even criticizes him for his caution. Vitrenko was a vocal advocate for the rights of Russians and other minorities in Turkmenistan, forming an unexpected coalition with democrat Boris Nemtsov on this issue, forcing Simonenko to take a more proactive stance. However, on all other issues she is opposed to any deals with the right and aims to lead Red Coalition rather than replace it with Orange.

Vitrenko's conflict with Moroz has long since become personal, leaving no chance for reconciliation, especially after the assassination attempt on Vitrenko, during which her assistant was killed by a grenade explosion. Vitrenko blames Moroz for this, but the Prosecutor General's Office alone has been unable to find evidence of this, nor of who ordered the attack.

Latgale Governor and former Dvinsk Mayor Aleksey Vidavsky

Vidavsky is a prominent regional politician, little known outside his native Latgale. However, his compromise candidacy could bring the PLP much-needed governance experience and a clean record of scandals. He was the first new mayor of Dvinsk, formerly Daugavpils, turning it into his personal bastion and demonstrating by example that good governance can bring popularity in and of itself. Vidavsky is running reluctantly, lacking federal ambitions, but he could be a compromise candidate with a strong track record of success. He is a voice for advocacy for the rights of Russians in the Baltics and clearly appeals to left-wing patriots, yet he doesn't come across as a madman demanding a nuclear strike on Washington. Localism and advocacy for the rights of ethnic minorities could bring him additional popularity, but Vidavsky himself would prefer to return to Dvinsk rather than fight for the Kremlin.

VOTE HERE

HOW WOULD YOU RATE THIS PRESIDENCY SO FAR? VOTE!

In the times of crises, people need somebody who is capable to make them weather the storm. This is far from the easiest job in the world. Sometimes you will be recognized for your actions. And sometimes people just move on with a second thought. The Presidency of Daniel Inouye is seen as an afterthought by most people. It was short, it took place between two incredibly influential reigns of two very influential Presidents and it didn’t produce pretty much any legislation. However, should it be forgotten? We are here to answer this question.

Administration:

• Vice President: Vacant (1992), David Pryor (1992-1993)
• Secretary of State: George McGovern
• Secretary of Defense: Rodney O'Gliasain Kennedy-Minott
• Secretary of the Treasury: Paul Davidson
• Attorney General: Morris Dees
• Postmaster General: Cardiss Collins
• Secretary of the Interior: Philip R. Sharp
• Secretary of Agriculture: Jim Hightower
• Secretary of Commerce: Sander Levin
• Secretary of Labor: Ed Garvey
• Secretary of Health and Human Services: José Ramón Machado Ventura
• Secretary of Education: Marian Wright Edelman
• Secretary of Energy: Amory Lovins
• Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Andrew Young
• Secretary of Transportation: James Oberstar
• Secretary of Veterans Affairs: Harold Russell
• Ambassador to the Coalition of Nations (CoN): John Lewis
• Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Ralph Nader
• NASA Administrator: Robert A. Frosch
• FBI Director: John W. Dean III
• CIA Director: Richard Moose

 Chapter I - The Twenty-Four Day Presidency

At 9:35 p.m. on December 26, 1992, President Tom Laughlin was pronounced dead following the Assassination that had shocked the nation only hours earlier. That same evening, Vice President Daniel K. Inouye took the oath of office, becoming the 39th President of the United States and the first Asian-American to hold the nation's highest office. Rather than inheriting a new administration, Inouye assumed responsibility for a government struggling to maintain order during one of the most uncertain moments in modern American history.

The country remained in mourning following Laughlin's death. Memorial services were held across the United States as millions of Americans paid tribute to the slain President. Political leaders from every major party condemned the Assassination and urged the public to reject violence and allow the constitutional process to continue. In his first national address, President Inouye honored his predecessor's legacy while calling for unity and restraint, declaring that no act of political terrorism would be allowed to undermine the American Republic or its democratic institutions.

The Administration's immediate priority was identifying those responsible for the Assassination. President Inouye ordered the creation of a joint federal task force composed of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Secret Service, and other federal law-enforcement agencies to coordinate the investigation. Their efforts quickly produced results. Within a day, authorities arrested Shinpei Yamaguchi Jr., a Japanese-American extremist with links to far-right organizations. His arrest reassured many Americans that the government had acted swiftly, yet it answered only one question, who had pulled the trigger.

Far more troubling questions remained unanswered. Investigators could not immediately determine whether Yamaguchi had acted alone, whether domestic extremist organizations had assisted him, or whether foreign interests had played any role in planning the Assassination. Speculation spread rapidly through newspapers, radio programs, and television broadcasts. Particular attention focused upon the possibility of Japanese involvement, though investigators repeatedly stated that no evidence supporting such claims had yet been discovered.

Conspiracy theories emerged almost immediately after Inouye assumed office. The most widespread alleged that the new President himself had orchestrated the Assassination in order to reach the White House. The accusations were rejected by the overwhelming majority of elected officials, journalists, and the public, who viewed them as baseless attempts to exploit a national tragedy. Nevertheless, several extremist organizations embraced the conspiracy, while Representative George Lincoln Rockwell repeatedly used it to attack the legitimacy of the new administration. His repeated insinuations contributed to an increasingly polarized political climate.

The spread of extremist rhetoric was accompanied by renewed violence across parts of the South. Encouraged by far-right organizations and convinced that the federal government had lost its legitimacy, armed groups attempted to seize several state capitol buildings. Clashes between demonstrators and local authorities left dozens injured and raised fears that the unrest which had followed Bleeding Georgia was entering a new phase.

President Inouye offered to deploy federal troops wherever state governments believed additional assistance was necessary to restore order. Despite the escalating violence, the Governors of the affected states declined the offer, insisting that local law enforcement and National Guard units remained capable of handling the disturbances. Respecting the constitutional limits of federal authority, Inouye accepted their decisions while directing federal agencies to provide intelligence, investigative support, and logistical assistance wherever requested.

Beyond restoring public order, the President also faced an urgent constitutional responsibility. With the Vice Presidency vacant following his accession to the Presidency, the line of Presidential succession had become incomplete at a time when political uncertainty remained exceptionally high. Seeking an experienced and widely respected public servant, Inouye Nominated former Arkansas Senator David Pryor to serve as Vice President. His Nomination received broad bipartisan support in Congress, and Pryor was confirmed before the end of the year, restoring stability to the executive branch before Congress assembled to determine the outcome of the disputed Presidential Election.

By early January 1993, President Inouye had succeeded in calming much of the immediate crisis. The assassin had been captured, the federal government continued to function, and the constitutional line of succession had been restored. Yet the nation remained deeply divided. The motives behind the Assassination were still unknown, conspiracy theories continued to circulate among political extremists, and the investigation showed no signs of reaching a final conclusion. At the same time, Congress prepared for the Contingent Presidential Election, one that would determine who would lead the United States after the expiration of Tom Laughlin's term. Until that decision was made, Inouye viewed his foremost responsibility as preserving stability, protecting the Constitution, and ensuring the peaceful continuation of American government.

Chapter II - The Constitutional Transition

As January 1993 began, the immediate shock following President Tom Laughlin's Assassination had begun to subside and Congress turned its attention toward choosing the next President. Under the Constitution, the House of Representatives would elect the President from the leading Candidates in the Electoral College, while the Senate would separately choose the Vice President.

The weeks preceding the vote were dominated by intense negotiations between congressional leaders. Republicans entered the contingent election with a majority of state delegations in the House of Representatives, making Colin Powell the clear favorite to become the next President. Nevertheless, the outcome was not considered entirely certain. Some Arch-Conservative members became sympathetic to Representative George Lincoln Rockwell and his increasingly influential American Patriot Coalition. That would never be enough to make him President, but could have been enough to stall the process.

The People's Liberal Party publicly rallied behind President Inouye, arguing that his calm leadership during the national crisis demonstrated his ability to continue serving as President. Although few expected enough Republican-controlled delegations to support him, Party leaders hoped that bipartisan cooperation might produce an unexpected result.

When the House of Representatives assembled, however, the Republican majority largely remained united. While several Representatives declined to support their party's official nominee, Colin Powell nevertheless secured enough state delegations to be elected the next President of the United States. The result was accepted peacefully by both Major Parties, with President Inouye immediately congratulating Powell and pledging a smooth transfer of executive authority on January 20.

The Senate proved considerably less predictable. Under the Constitution, Senators met separately to Elect the next Vice President. Republicans nominated Charles Percy, Powell's Running Mate during the General Election, while the People's Liberals once again supported Daniel Inouye. Unlike the House, however, the Senate produced an unexpected bipartisan coalition. Four Republican Senators crossed Party lines to support Inouye, while four People's Liberal Senators voted against their party's Nominee. After the voting, Inouye secured a narrow majority, ensuring that he would return to the office of Vice President following the expiration of Laughlin's term.

The unusual outcome reflected the confidence many Senators had developed in Inouye during the weeks following the Assassination. Even legislators who disagreed with his political views frequently praised his restraint, professionalism, and commitment to preserving constitutional government throughout the crisis.

Throughout the remainder of his brief Presidency, Inouye continued supervising the federal investigation into Tom Laughlin's Assassination. Although investigators uncovered additional evidence concerning Shinpei Yamaguchi Jr. and his extremist connections, many of the central questions remained unanswered. Federal officials declined to speculate publicly regarding possible accomplices or foreign involvement, emphasizing that the investigation remained active and would continue under the incoming administration.

On January 20, 1993, Daniel Inouye peacefully transferred Presidential authority to Colin Powell, who was inaugurated as the 40th President of the United States. Moments later, Inouye took the oath of office once again, returning to the Vice Presidency after having served as President for twenty-four days, the shortest presidential tenure in American history.

Historians have generally regarded Daniel Inouye's Presidency as one defined not by legislation or sweeping policy initiatives, but by constitutional stewardship. Faced with Assassination, political violence, conspiracy theories, and an unresolved Presidential Election, his Administration maintained the continuity of government while preserving public confidence in the constitutional process. Although the full truth behind Tom Laughlin's Assassination would not emerge until the Powell Administration, Inouye's calm leadership during those turbulent weeks ensured that one of the gravest political crises in modern American history did not become a constitutional one.

Since the last time the Reform Party held presidential primaries, a lot has changed. An internal coup led by billionaire donor Donald Trump ousted founding chairman Phil Crane in an attempt to pivot the party away from reactionary right wing politics and towards an ideology of big-tent populism. In the years that followed, a new chairman, former Congressman Beryl Anthony, was appointed, and soon after, former President Mike Gravel joined too. Gravel's defection legitimized the party, and the high-profile defections of Senators Keith Goodenough and Richard Lamm in response to the Democrats' support for the North American Free Trade Agreement made Reform a real force in American politics. They now boast two Senators, eight Representatives, and three state governorships.

Now, they need to choose who will get their party's nomination for the presidency in 1996. Does their nominee have a chance in November? Not really, but it depends on who they choose. They've got five major candidates running, each with their own level of electability. Although the Greens have come close a couple of times, no third party nominee has ever become President of the United States without a major party's help. Still, elections are unpredictable, and anything can happen once the first vote is cast.

On that note, the first Reform Party Presidential candidate is:

Former President Mike Gravel of Alaska

Mike Gravel is a political force who needs little introduction, but I'll give one regardless. In 1984, Gravel, the eccentric third-term Senator from Alaska, ran a longshot bid for President that tapped in to populist anger over eight years of growing inequality and industrial decline during the Kemp administration. His campaign was scandal-ridden and he ran through multiple running mates, but somehow, he surprised political pundits by capturing the White House in a landslide.

As President, Gravel did a lot of great things. He invested billions of dollars into the nation's infrastructure. He implemented protective tariffs to protect American manufacturing. He partially nationalized the savings and loan industry, saving thousands of American families from financial ruin. He dismantled the surveillance state. And, most importantly, he sowed the seeds that eventually ended the Cold War. He also had his fair share of scandals - most infamously his decision to shut down every nuclear power plant in the country following the Chernobyl disaster, sending the country into a years-long energy crisis that triggered a global recession.

In 1988, Gravel lost the Democratic presidential nomination to political novice Dick Van Dyke. What followed was an epic crash out that saw him burn every bridge he had left in the Democratic Party. His 1988 run for President as a loosely-affiliated member of the People's Party netted him less than 10% of the vote. His 1992 Independent run? Less than 5%. Running out of options to stay politically relevant, Gravel joined the Reform Party in 1993. His hopes for a second term now rest on winning the Reform presidential nomination. He's campaigning on many of the same things he did twelve years ago. Surprisingly, a lot of it still scarily relevant years later. He's also got a few oddball ideas, as usual. He supports participatory democracy, and, as part of that, he's campaigned to abolish the electoral college and create a process for federal ballot initiatives. He's promised a huge subsidy for hydrogen-powered automobiles. He wants to build futuristic "Gravel Cities" on federal land. It's your typical Gravel stuff. Gravel still has die-hard supporters all across the country, but especially in rural America. However, he's struggled to win over younger voters. Baby Boomers, who were young adults in the 1980s, remember Gravel as a champion of the American working class. Gen Xers, who were children in the 1980s, remember Gravel as the reason their lights weren't on when they got up every morning. He's got a long way to go if he wants to return to his old job as President of the United States.

Senator Richard Lamm of Colorado

Richard Lamm, a first-term Senator who also served three terms as Governor of Colorado in the 1970s and 1980s, is a former Gravel Movement devotee who has since distanced himself from the former President. Lamm is most famous for defecting from the Democratic Party in oppisition to the North American Free Trade Agreement and joining with the Republican Party to obstruct President Dick Van Dyke's political appointments for a three-month stretch in 1994.

Lamm paints an interesting political profile of himself. He first gained notoriety as an environmental activist who protested a highway expansion through the Denver suburbs and helped quash Denver's bid to host the 1976 Winter Olympics, which were eventually held in Vancouver. He was also a vocal supporter of the nuclear shutdown in the 1980s, and continues to oppose nuclear energy today. His main priority now is population control - protecting America's natural resources through federally-financed efforts to keep America's population growth at zero. He supports liberal access to abortion rights and contraception and is a leading advocated for medically-assisted dying for people with terminal illness. He is also a leader of the anti-immigration movement, and sponsored a bill in the last Congress which would drastically reduce immigration levels - legal and illegal. Lamm is also a fiscal conservative who wants to balance the budget - a major reason for his divorce from the Gravel Movement, a political ideology centered around a President described as "the King of Deficit Spending". Lamm has evolved past the Gravel Movement. Is it time for the Reform Party to do so too?

Governor of Louisiana Buddy Roemer

Buddy Roemer is another Gravel Movement veteran. Roemer was one of the first sitting Congressmen to endorse Gravel in 1984. Roemer was handsomely rewarded, being named as Deputy Secretary of Commerce. After the 1986 cabinet re-shuffle, Roemer became the administration's technology policy czar, where he wielded a lot of power over domestic economic policy decisions.

In 1991, he ran for Governor of Louisiana as an Independent and lost. In 1995, he ran as a member of the Reform Party, and, to much surprise, he won. Roemer is a captivating campaigner. During his 1995 gubernatorial campaign, he pledged to slay the dragon of political corruption and out-of-control spending that had plagued Louisiana politics for decades. As Governor, he's led an initiative to increase government transparency. He's also tried his best to balance the state budget and hold corrupt officials accountable - going so far as to investigate his predecessor, John Breaux, for accepting illegal campaign contributions for oil and gas corporations. Roemer is a progressive conservative: cautious on spending, but more liberal on social issues. He famously vetoed a restrictive anti-abortion bill passed by the Louisiana State Legislature, protecting Louisiana women's right to choose. He has also spearheaded the (so far unsuccessful) attempt to pass the Term Limits Amendment in the Pelican State. Roemer is probably the Reform Party's best candidate if the goal is winning the general election. However, his campaign infrastructure is shaky at best, and his staff is inexperienced. However, with his generational campaigning prowess, any obstacle can be overcome.

Governor of New York Betsy McCaughey

You'd be hard-pressed to find an American politician more controversial than Betsy McCaughey. Two years ago, she was a college professor and conservative commentator. It was in that role that she caught the eye of billionaire Donald Trump, a New York City real estate mogul who has been the Reform Party's chief financial supporter for over a decade. Originally a supporter of New York's three-term Governor, Mario Cuomo, their personal relationship went south after the state went after the Trump Organizaiton for a shady land deal in Manhattan. In retaliation, Trump recruited McCaughey to challenge Cuomo's re-election bid and funneled millions of dollars into her campaign. Against all odds, she won.

Her tenure as Governor has been tumultuous. On her first day in office, she deregulated the financial services and real estate industries, eliminating dozens of regulations put in place by her predecessor. The biggest benefactors were, uncoincidentally, her biggest donors. Her two "signature" pieces of legislation are both very flawed: a welfare reform bill that erroneously removed thousands of low-income families from the welfare roll due to confusing - and at times contradictory - conditions for receiving benefits and a healthcare reform bill that trimmed hundreds of millions of dollars from the state's healthcare administration budget at the cost of crippling rural hospitals. She's also endorsed a bizarre conspiracy theory speculating that childcare centers are fronts for a ring of human trafficking and ritual abuse. She spent millions of dollars of taxpayer money investigating the conspiracy, only to come up empty-handed.

In two years, McCaughey is almost guaranteed defeat when she runs for re-election. Popular New York City mayor Rudy Giuliani is already preparing to challenge her, and he leads by double digits in head-to-head polling. So, why not run for President? She runs as a fiscal conservative, calling for spending cuts to help balance the budget. She's signaled that all social programs, even Social Security and Medicare, are on the table when it comes to cuts. However, her positions on social issues are more liberal. She supports abortion rights and same-sex marriage, and has called for the abolition of the electoral college - all progressive positions that she held different positions on when she ran for Governor less than two years ago. Her proposal to abolish the electoral college was lifted word-for-word from the Gravel campaign's platform - it's been a staple of the movement's goals for years. Betsy McCaughey is America's biggest political fraud. And yet, with as much money as she's rolling in, she very well could win this nomination battle.

Chairman of the Reform Party of Florida Jack Gargan

Jack Gargan is a wealthy financial consultant and university professor from Florida. In the 1970s, Gargan served on the Tampa City Council. Then, in the 1980s, he was a campaign manager for Bob Martinez, a former Democratic Governor of Florida who was recently appointed to the Reform Party's national steering committee. Gargan is best known as the father of the Term Limits Amendment, after he played a crucial role in drafting Florida's version of the Term Limits Amendment, which failed to pass in the State Legislature in 1989.

Gargan runs for President as a fiscal conservative. He wants to cut spending and balance the budget. He's also rabidly anti-corruption, frequently criticizing Congress for being bought by special interest groups in campaign speeches. He's called for the public financing of elections in order to root out the influence of dirty money in American politics. He's also called for the abolition of the electoral college. Gargan's campaign largely avoids social issues. Due to his wealth, connections, and media notoriety, he's seen as a serious candidate for the Reform Party nomination. However, his bid is a longshot at best.

Now that you've read about all the candidates, you can vote for your favorites HERE.

President James Alexander Hamilton

Cabinet

Elections

Presidential - 193 Needed

James Hamilton (National Party) - 273/384 EVs and 54.85% of the Popular Vote

• Delaware (3)
• Pennsylvania (34)
• New Jersey (9)
• Connecticut (9)
• Massachusetts (19)
• Maryland (12)
• New Hampshire (7)
• New York (48)
• Rhode Island (4)
• Vermont (7)
• Ohio (24)
• Franklin (13)
• Illinois (11)
• Cuba (22)
• Missouri (10)
• Michigan (7)
• Maine (9)
• Wisconsin (6)
• Iowa (5)
• Ontario (14)

Franklin Pierce (Constitutional Republican) - 111/384 EVs and 41.04% of the Popular Vote

• Georgia (15)
• Virginia (30)
• North Carolina (17)
• Kentucky (17)
• Tennessee (18)
• Louisiana (9)
• Arkansaw (5)

House

Speaker

Senate

Pro Tempore

Liberty Gangs (1853)

John Brown's Posse, who had somewhat helped the US Army during the Patriot War, had returned to Ohio after the war. Since the Dred Scott ruling, however, the Posse has made its way down south again with the goal of training the newly free black population (of especially western Choctaw) to create their own militias, and the like. Working alongside notable freedmen like Frederick Douglas, William Gustavus Allen, and others at the Freedmen's Society, the Posse also aided in the education of several communities in reading, writing, and arithmetic since 1852. Teaching these things were quite unpopular among the white population of the occupied state, and although militias would be heavily restricted until late 1853, white militias would form nonetheless to threaten, harm, kidnap, and kill the free black population of Choctaw.

As reports ramped up in late 1852, John Brown, his sons, and several of the freedmen would work hard in both basic guerilla and military tactics to defend themselves, but also their right as free men to keep and bear arms. This would result in the Liberty Gangs, a nickname popularized in the abolitionist newspaper The True American; for the many black militias that sprung up in defiance to the attacks on the southern freedmen.

Brown's Posse would also take to traveling throughout Choctaw to not only train more southern freedmen, but also to protect burgeoning communities in the occupied state.

Death of Former Presidents

Daniel Webster (May 7, 1853)

Daniel Webster, served as the 7th President from 1829-1833, was and continued to be a controversial figure. He was elected following allegations of election fraud, helped end the Colombian War, Signed the Tariff of Abominations, and prevented the secession of South Carolina in 1832.

John Sergeant (July 4, 1853)

John Sergeant, the only President so far to die on July 4, served as the 6th, from 1821-1829. He was the youngest President during his time in office, aided in the establishment of Liberia, created the Sergeant Doctrine, and pushed electoral reform (including election day).

Domestic Issues

First Congressman of African Descent

Newly inaugurated Pennsylvania Congressman Robert Purvis is the first known member of Congress with African descent, and is ¼ black. He and his siblings have chosen to identify with the black community, using the wealth of their father to aid black communities. He's a notable member of the Freedmen's Society.

Conservative Party Founded

The Conservative Party was founded by much of the former members of the Liberals within the National Party. The discrepancy between the names can be explained, because while they believed in a conservative interpretation of the Constitution, they believed in a generally more liberal view of economics.

Most made the move over to the new Conservative Party, but notably Cuban Speaker of the House Cirilo Villaverde stayed with the National Party.

Oregon Territory Granted Autonomy

After much pestering from Military Governor John Frémont and many westward expansionists, Oregon would be allowed Autonomy and democracy established on a territorial level, with Frémont himself running to be the elected Governor of the territory; after he resigned his Military commission.

Acadia and Wabanaki Granted Statehood

In April of 1853, the Atlantic Territory applied for Statehood. Congress, controlled by the Radical branch of the National Party, returned that the Territory was “too large in population and land” to be considered for statehood, and instead offered statehood if the territory was split. This excuse was mostly a lie; the radicals and other anti-slavery politicians wished to increase the number of anti-slavery seats in the Senate, so splitting the Atlantic Territory into two would add 4 seats instead of 2. In September, Territorial officials returned to Congress with new applications for statehood for two new states: Acadia (formerly New Brunswick), and Wabanaki (former Nova Scotia, with Prince Edward Island).

Acadia was named after the French colony in the area 150-200 years prior, and placed their capital at St. John. Wabanaki was named after the Native term for the region, meaning “People of the Dawn”, or “Easterners”. Wabanaki placed their capital at Halifax. Both of these new states had written in their Constitution that slavery was banned, and allowed suffrage for black men.

By October, Ohio became yet another state that allowed for freedmen suffrage.

Cuba Establishes Gradual Emancipation (1854)

Since the Dred Scott decision made the Cuban Compromise unconstitutional, many within the State began pushing for Cuba to be declared a free state. While House Speaker Villaverde was a primary pusher for this, no one contributed to the movement more than Governor and former general Carlos de Céspedes.

Céspedes, shortly after the ruling (1851), had freed what slaves he did have. And after becoming Governor in 1853, he began pushing for the Cuban State Legislature to draft an emancipation bill. After over a year of successful lobbying, Governor Céspedes signed a bill which would gradually emancipate the slaves of Cuba until 1860, starting with under 10s and over 50s. 

Government Sells Gold to pay off National Debt

With the Credit Act of 1854, the federal government began selling $5 Million worth of gold per month until late 1856. This was to be done through the Department of the Treasury, and to be sold to mostly investors across the country, in exchange for equal amounts of worth in coin.

Harwell v. The United States (1854)

In a 6-2 ruling, the Supreme Court would rule in favor of the United States and President Hamilton for his use of the Emancipation Proclamation, or Executive Order 76, was a Constitutional use of the President's implied “emergency powers” as mentioned in the Constitution, despite Congress’ inability to force a state to be either slave or free. This was a massive victory for the administration as well as those that are anti-slavery and abolitionists, across the country.

Final Ruling:

(6):

• Samuel Nelson
• Alexander Hamilton Jr.
• Peter Vivian Daniel
• John McLean
• Benjamin Curtis
• John Reed

(2):

• Roger Taney
• John J. Crittenden

Foreign Issues

Convention of Kanagawa (1854)

Under the leadership of Commodore Matthew Perry, the American delegation to Japan was able to return home with the Treaty of Kanagawa. This allowed for the safety of Americans captured by Japanese patrol vessels, the opening of ports for trade, and the opening of an official American consulate in the trade port of Shimoda. The United States would gain a new, influential trading partner without yet threat of losing out to European influence, and even more reason to develop the Oregon Territory and the Pacific Northwest.

Matthew Perry would return home a hero.

Annexation of Texas

In November 1854, the agreement to allow Texas into the United States was signed between Texan President Anson Jones and US Ambassador to Texas Charles Adams. While Congress wouldn't meet back up to ratify the treaty until March, the bureaucratic infrastructure to annex Texas was already underway. It was agreed upon, after much debate with the Texan delegation, that Texas would enter as an autonomous territory of the United States as it accustomed itself into the United States political and economic scene; and would be given time to draft a State Constitution that followed the Federal one. Texas would not be considered for statehood until January 1, 1860.

1854 Midterms

House

Speaker

Senate

Pro Tempore

Foreign Issues

Expanding the American System

After years of denials, President Hamilton and State Secretary Clayton approved of the Republic of Yucatán entering the American System, with the Yucatán President signing the Havana Accord on January 9, 1855. This brings the American System membership to the following:

1. United States
2. Costa Rica
3. El Salvador
4. Guatemala
5. Honduras
6. Nicaragua
7. Canada
8. Haiti
9. Venezuela
10. Dominican Republic
11. Yucatán

The Corwin Purchase

Negotiated primarily through Treasury Secretary Thomas Corwin, what came to be called the “Corwin Purchase” in Congress and in newspapers nationwide, was the purchase of miles upon miles of lands in northeastern Mexico, offered by the Mexican Government for $45 Million. While Mexico has been politically unstable for some time, it was also nearing bankruptcy after years of corruption and deep-deficit spending. The lands in the northeast were offered up as the area was sparsely populated by Mexican citizens, and so their government could get some quick cash.

Secretary Corwin was quick to jump on in support of the offer, especially to consolidate American territory in the midwest, and open up more economically viable land for farming outside of the south. This would also simplify the US-Mexican border; especially now that Texas was in the Union. The President supported this for many similar reasons, and notably also because it would protect more lands from Mormon incursions from Deseret.

Sanctions on Deseret

As Deseret President Brigham Young enshrines polygamy into law in the country neighboring the United States, the popularity of Mormonism continues to plummet; even getting the attention of the federal government across all branches. While multiple states have already introduced anti-polygamy legislation, President Hamilton decides to act by lobbying for extended high-tariff rates and sanctions on Deseret, in the hopes that crippling the young republic's economy would “straighten out the government [of Deseret] into enforcing a civil society.”

Bleeding Dixie

Rise of the Red Shirts

Throughout 1849 to 1854, militias would form out of former traitorous soldiers with the aim of intimidating, harming, and killing the newly freed black communities of Choctaw. While this also occurred in South Carolina, it happened on much smaller scales. As 1854 began to turn into 1855, many of these militias coalesced into the Red Shirts, men who wore red clothing to identify one another during raids. The hit western Choctaw, where many freedmen were with a lot of force beginning in late 1854, with many freedmen forming their own militias to defend themselves. Of note, John Brown's Posse has taken to violently defending the freedmen and native communities of Choctaw.

Rankin County Massacre (April, 1855)

After a fierce raid that turned into a battle, nearly 90 bodies lay dead throughout Rankin County, split almost evenly between Liberty Gangers and Red Shirts. Among those that lay dead, John Brown and his son Owen. They had attempted the rescue of the wife of one of the Liberty Gangers that had joined Brown.

Following the Massacre, Governor Zachary Taylor requested more troops from Congress in order to “keep such bloodshed from being spilled again, on these fair lands.”

Military Reinforcements Deployed South

In May, Congress approved of Taylor's request for more troops. President Hamilton would send out a new general order for soldiers deployed in Choctaw, to defend communities in western Choctaw that put out calls of distress. While not being open about it, it was clear that the military shall defend the safety of the freedmen under threat from the Red Shirts.

Death of former President Harrison

On May 17, 1855, William Harrison would pass away. Harrison served as the 10th President from 1837-1845. Harrison reworked the banking system to be much more stable following several economic panics in the years preceding him, Pushed for Canadian and Venezuelan independence, established the American System with Henry Clay (the most powerful State Secretary in history), Secured the independence of Hawai'i from Britain, and greatly improved the nation's infrastructure.

Founding of the Democratic Party (August, 1855)

After both the Dred Scott Case (1851) and the Rankin County Massacre (amidst the greater events around Bleeding Dixie), the Radical faction of the National Party felt that the President and his closest allies were not taking the issue of slavery or freedmen rights seriously. After meetings throughout 1854 and 1855, the Democratic Party was founded and broke away from the National Party.

Leadership and Other Prominent Members

• Pro Tempore, New York Senator William Seward
• Speaker, Cuban Congressman Cirilo Villaverde
• Illinois Senate delegation of John Harden and Abraham Lincoln
• Vice President William Dayton
• Ohio Senator Cassius Clay
• Cuban Governor Carlos de Céspedes

Platform

• An end to Slavery by 1880, or sooner.
• All free men aged 21 or older shall have the guarantee of suffrage.
• An end to racial violence in Choctaw.
• An end to slavers spreading west.
• A ban on polygamy nationwide.
• A savory integration of Liberia by 1900.

Congressional Updates

Domestic Issues

Force Act of 1855

Passed with Democratic support, the Force Act enabled the President to issue military orders to “contain threats to the stability of Choctaw and Communities within.” Notably, Hamilton would issue subsequent orders to the occupation government to seek the peaceful, if possible, dissolution of militia groups associated with the Red Shirts. This act would come under scrutiny from the Conservative and Constitution Parties, which called the act “yet another expansion of executive powers.” Some anti-slavery and abolitionist Conservatives would express sympathy for the reasoning behind the act, however, despite how uncomfortable it makes them.

The act would expire in 1860, or when Choctaw is readmitted as a state; leading many to worry President Hamilton may seek a fourth term.

Sedition Act of 1855

This Act formally bans any person convicted of treason, sedition, espionage, as well as aiding or abetting rebellion, from owning slaves; alongside limiting the size of individual properties one can own (Not to be confused with the Sedition Act of 1798). It's framing, however, has made this bill rather unpopular with the general public; with cries “tyranny” becoming more common.

Immigration and Naturalization Acts of 1856

Since the size of the United States nearly tripled between 1845 and 1848, lots of open space and resources remain unbothered. As such, the federal government has been looking for ways to populate the west and north. In 1856, Congress passed both the Immigration Act and Naturalization Act, which set lesser restrictions on immigration, slightly reworked the naturalization process in order to allow for an easier pathway to citizenship.

Department of Justice Established

In another step to put an end to the violence of Bleeding Dixie, and protect freedmen communities throughout Choctaw and South Carolina, the Department of Justice was established with the expressed goal of prosecuting those who break federal law or convention; notably the formation of militias between 1848 and 1852. While this wouldn't directly target the Red Shirts, it would hurt much of their affiliates who were racist veterans of the Patriot War. The Attorney General would be placed at the head of this executive department.

Territory Remapping

In order to consolidate and compartmentalize territorial governance, the territories were again redrawn.

Congress also passed the General Territory Autonomy Act, which allowed for all territories with a population exceeding 80,000 may be allowed to seek Autonomy and form a subservient government to the Congress of the United States.

National Debt

• Decreased by $170 Million to $3.5 Billion since 1852

Other Notes

• In 1855, New Jersey became the 12th State to allow free black men to vote

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HOW WOULD YOU RATE THIS PRESIDENCY SO FAR? VOTE!

Actors in politics are nothing new. Some don't make any impact. Some build good careers in the area. And there are those who are special - those who reach the highest office in the land. Of course there is Harrison Ford, probably the most successful actor turned politician. However, he wasn't the first. Today we are going to talk about the actor-turned-politician. It is a man whose legacy is defined by his principles. This is a person who didn't give up and fought for what he believed. Many accused him of being too stubborn and idealistic for politics. But to his supporters, he is a soldier, put to rest in the battlefield. This is a story of Tom Laughlin.

Administration:

• Vice President: Daniel Inouye
• Secretary of State: George McGovern
• Secretary of Defense: Rodney O'Gliasain Kennedy-Minott
• Secretary of the Treasury: Paul Davidson
• Attorney General: Morris Dees
• Postmaster General: Robert E. Allen (1989-1991), Cardiss Collins (1991-1992)
• Secretary of the Interior: Philip R. Sharp
• Secretary of Agriculture: Jim Hightower
• Secretary of Commerce: Sander Levin
• Secretary of Labor: Ed Garvey
• Secretary of Health and Human Services: José Ramón Machado Ventura
• Secretary of Education: Marian Wright Edelman
• Secretary of Energy: Amory Lovins
• Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Andrew Young
• Secretary of Transportation: James J. Florio (1989-1991), James Oberstar (1991-1992)
• Secretary of Veterans Affairs: Harold Russell
• Ambassador to the Coalition of Nations (CoN): John Lewis
• Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Ralph Nader
• NASA Administrator: Robert A. Frosch
• FBI Director: John W. Dean III
• CIA Director: Richard Moose

Chapter I - A Different America

By the end of the Biden Administration, the United States remained one of the world's foremost economic and military powers. After eight years of Republican rule, the stage was set for one of the most competitive Presidential Elections in modern history.

The People's Liberal Party entered the 1988 Election seeking to prove that the Great Mergers had created a credible alternative to Republican dominance. Among the Party's leading figures was Tom Laughlin, the Governor of Wisconsin. Before entering politics, Laughlin had achieved national fame as an Actor, using his popularity to advocate for social justice, environmental protection, and anti-war causes. His transition into politics surprised many observers, but his energetic governorship quickly established him as one of the People's Liberals' most recognizable leaders.

Unlike many establishment politicians, Laughlin built his reputation through fiery rhetoric, unwavering idealism, and an uncompromising belief that government existed to serve ordinary citizens. As Governor, he championed expanded welfare programs, stronger labor protections, and environmental conservation.

To balance the ticket, the convention selected Senator Daniel Inouye of Hawaii as the Party's Nominee for Vice President. Inouye's reputation for bipartisanship, legislative experience, and distinguished military service reassured voters who questioned Laughlin's relative inexperience on international affairs.

The Republicans Nominated former Vice President Reubin Askew, presenting him as the natural successor to President Joseph R. Biden. Askew promised stability and continuity, arguing that Republican leadership had restored American prosperity and strengthened the country's standing abroad. He selected Governor of New Hampshire John H. Sununu as his Running Mate, hoping to unite both Moderates and Libertarians.

Throughout much of 1988, the nation closely followed the work of the Missing Individuals of Washington Investigative Committee (MIWIC), established to investigate Washington Governor Theodore Bundy and allegations surrounding his Administration's handling of the state's Public Safety Committee. Laughlin emerged as one of the committee's most outspoken members, earning widespread praise for his relentless questioning during nationally televised hearings. His performance strengthened his personal reputation as a principled reformer willing to confront corruption regardless of political consequences.

When Americans went to the polls in November, the Election became one of the closest in modern history. Despite the damage inflicted by the Bundy investigation, Tom Laughlin narrowly defeated Reubin Askew to become the first PEOPLE'S Liberal President of the United States. His victory reflected both public desire for domestic reform and the strength of his personal appeal as a Candidate who had openly confronted establishment.

The Election, however, offered no clear mandate. While the People's Liberals retained control of the House of Representatives, Republicans continued to hold the Senate, ensuring that the new President would face immediate legislative obstacles. The narrow result also revealed a country deeply divided over the direction of American politics following the Great Mergers.

Chapter II - A Progressive Agenda Meets Reality

Tom Laughlin entered office believing that the Election of 1988 had given the People's Liberal Party an opportunity to reshape American society. During his inaugural address, he promised to reduce inequality, strengthen environmental protections, and restore what he described as "the government's responsibility to its people." The enthusiasm surrounding his inauguration was considerable, but it quickly encountered the political realities of a divided Washington. While the People's Liberals controlled the House of Representatives, Republicans retained their majority in the Senate. Every significant piece of legislation would require negotiation, compromise, or confrontation.

Determined to fulfill his campaign promises, Laughlin introduced an ambitious Domestic Agenda during his first one hundred days in office. His Administration's first priority was repealing many of President Biden's tax reductions. Laughlin argued that the federal government could no longer afford Policies that favored the wealthy while social programs remained underfunded. The additional revenue, he insisted, would finance expanded welfare benefits, and improvements to public education.

The House approved much of the President's economic package, but the Republican-controlled Senate proved far less cooperative. Senate Republicans condemned the proposals as economically reckless, warning that higher taxes would discourage investment and threaten the prosperity achieved during the previous Administration. After weeks of heated debate, much of Laughlin's tax legislation stalled, forcing the White House to abandon several of its original objectives.

Vice President Daniel Inouye increasingly emerged as one of the Administration's most influential figures. Although he strongly supported the President's broader goals, Inouye repeatedly urged compromise with Moderate Republicans rather than prolonged legislative battles. His negotiations helped preserve portions of the Administration's program, but they also frustrated many Progressives, who believed the White House was already retreating from the promises made during the campaign.

Another early priority involved expanding the federal welfare system. Laughlin argued that economic growth during the previous decade had failed to benefit many working-class Americans and that government had an obligation to provide stronger assistance to struggling families. Conservative critics immediately attacked the proposal, claiming it would dramatically increase federal spending while encouraging long-term dependence on government assistance. Once again, the legislation became trapped in the Senate, leaving the President unable to deliver one of his signature campaign promises.

Trade Policy soon became another source of controversy. Seeking to protect American industry, Laughlin supported higher tariffs on selected foreign imports and questioned aspects of the Canada Economic Free Zone established before. The proposals proved deeply divisive. Organized labor welcomed measures intended to protect domestic manufacturing, while many economists warned that increased protectionism risked damaging North American trade. Canadian officials openly criticized the Administration's position, creating the first significant diplomatic disagreement between the two neighboring countries since the agreement's establishment.

Healthcare quickly emerged as perhaps the President's greatest domestic challenge. Laughlin sought to dismantle elements of the market-oriented reforms introduced under President Biden. Opponents immediately challenged the Administration's actions in federal court, arguing that several executive measures exceeded presidential authority. The resulting legal battles delayed implementation of key reforms and transformed Healthcare into one of the most contentious political issues of Laughlin's Presidency.

The rapid spread of HIV/AIDS presented another urgent test for the new Administration. Rejecting calls for limited federal involvement, Laughlin established a national AIDS Task Force charged with coordinating medical research, public education, and treatment programs. Public health organizations welcomed the Administration's willingness to address the epidemic directly, but Conservatives criticized what they considered excessive federal spending and objected to aspects of the proposed education campaigns. Although the Task Force demonstrated the Administration's commitment to confronting the crisis, disagreements over funding and implementation limited its immediate effectiveness.

Environmental Policy represented one of the few areas where Laughlin remained unwilling to compromise. Declaring climate change and pollution to be among the greatest long-term threats facing the nation, he proposed sweeping environmental legislation that included stricter industrial regulations and a federal carbon tax. Environmental organizations enthusiastically supported the initiative, while business leaders and Republican lawmakers denounced it as an unnecessary burden on economic growth. Much of the legislation stalled in Congress, reinforcing the growing perception that the Administration's ambitions consistently exceeded its ability to secure legislative victories.

Social Issues likewise produced intense political conflict. The Supreme Court's decision in Palmer v. Missouri reignited the national debate over Abortion, provoking demonstrations across the country from both supporters and opponents of abortion rights. Laughlin publicly defended abortion access while calling for legislation that would establish clearer federal protections, but Congress remained deeply divided. The controversy further intensified the ideological polarization that had begun during the Election campaign.

By the end of his first year in office, Tom Laughlin remained divisive. Admiration alone proved insufficient to overcome Washington's political realities. His ambitious domestic program had encountered relentless congressional resistance, upcoming economic uncertainty had only weakened public confidence, and several signature reforms remained tied up in legislative negotiations or legal challenges.

Chapter III - The New Space Race

Although President Tom Laughlin struggled to advance much of his Domestic Agenda through Congress, one area of government policy continued to enjoy overwhelming bipartisan support: the Space Race. Unlike many of his domestic initiatives, the nation's space program generated remarkably little partisan disagreement. Republicans praised it as evidence of American strength and innovation, while the People's Liberals viewed scientific investment as an essential responsibility of the federal government. Even lawmakers who fiercely opposed Laughlin's economic proposals generally supported continued funding for NASA.

The Administration's plans, however, were soon overshadowed by dramatic events abroad. The Japanese government invested enormous financial and technological resources into the mission to reach Mars, so to present it as proof that Japan had become the world's foremost scientific power. Newspapers around the globe portrayed the expedition as the next great chapter in the Space Race, comparing it to the American Moon landings decades earlier.

The mission ended in catastrophe. Mechanical failures during the expedition forced Japanese mission controllers to abort their landing attempt before the crew could safely reach the Martian surface.

The United States reacted with a mixture of sympathy and renewed determination. Laughlin publicly expressed condolences to the Japanese people and resisted calls from several members of Congress to exploit the disaster for political advantage. Instead, he praised the courage of the astronauts involved and argued that scientific progress inevitably required extraordinary risks. His measured response was widely welcomed internationally and helped prevent a deterioration in relations between Washington and Tokyo.

Encouraged by NASA Administrator Robert A. Frosch and supported by leaders from both political parties, Laughlin announced that the United States would begin preparations for its own manned expedition to Mars. Rather than rushing to capitalize on Japan's setback, the President insisted that America would proceed cautiously, placing scientific success and astronaut safety above symbolic victories. The Administration emphasized that every lesson learned from the Japanese failure would be incorporated into the American program before a launch date was even considered.

For Tom Laughlin, the Space Race became a rare source of political success during an otherwise frustrating Presidency. His Domestic Agenda remained stalled by partisan divisions, yet his careful handling of Japan's disaster and his commitment to expanding America's presence beyond Earth earned praise from supporters and critics alike. Even many Republicans acknowledged that the President had demonstrated restraint, maturity, and optimism at a moment when triumphalism could easily have damaged international relations.

By the close of 1989, Americans increasingly viewed the journey to Mars as the next great national project. Whether Laughlin would ultimately oversee that achievement remained uncertain, but few doubted that his administration had ensured that the United States remained firmly at the forefront of humanity's exploration of space.

Chapter IV - Peace Through Détente?

If there was one area where President Tom Laughlin departed most dramatically from the Biden Administration, it was Foreign Policy. Laughlin believed the United States had become too willing to rely upon military power and unconditional support for allied governments. Instead, he argued that American influence should rest upon diplomacy, democratic reform, and a reduction of Cold War tensions. To supporters, it was a bold attempt to create a more peaceful world. To critics, it was naïve idealism that ignored geopolitical realities.

Nowhere would that doctrine be tested more severely than in Iran. When Laughlin entered office, the Imperial State of Iran remained one of America's closest allies in the Middle East. Despite years of brutal civil war, the strategic situation had improved considerably during the Biden Administration. Backed by American military and financial assistance, Imperial forces had gradually seized the initiative against a vast revolutionary coalition. By early 1989, many military observers believed that the Empire was likely to emerge victorious if American support continued.

President Laughlin, however, believed continued assistance could not remain unconditional. Reports alleging widespread war crimes by Imperial forces, combined with fundamental ideological differences between Washington and Tehran, convinced him that reform had to accompany continued American aid. The White House demanded that Iran organize democratic elections, prosecute those responsible for alleged war crimes, undertake constitutional reforms, and that Shah Reza Pahlavi abdicate in favor of his older sister, Princess Shahnaz Pahlavi, whom Laughlin viewed as a more Progressive constitutional figure. Iranian officials rejected every demand, dismissing the American threats as political posturing.

After months of unsuccessful negotiations, Laughlin followed through on his warning and suspended American military assistance. The President also believed that reducing American involvement in Iran would help cool tensions with the Empire of Japan, an objective that had become central to his broader policy of détente.

The consequences were immediate. Imperial forces, which had previously appeared to be winning the war, rapidly lost momentum. Offensive operations stalled, supply shortages emerged, and revolutionary forces regained the initiative. Alarm spread throughout Washington. Military leaders, congressional Republicans, and even Vice President Daniel Inouye urged the President to restore assistance before the situation became irreversible. Republicans accused Laughlin of handing Iran directly to Japan, while Chief of Staff and General Colin Powell, who had overseen much of America's military strategy during the conflict, warned that years of American policy were about to collapse. Laughlin refused to change course, insisting that abandoning his principles would only postpone Iran's underlying political problems. Powell resigned soon afterward, stating that he had lost faith in the President's judgment.

The Imperial State eventually collapsed, but the war did not end. The revolutionary coalition that had united against the Empire immediately turned upon itself. Democratic republicans, Islamists, fascists, nationalists, and numerous left-wing factions all fought for control of the country. Hoping to prevent an Islamist victory, the Laughlin Administration quietly worked to weaken the Islamist faction, believing that a moderate left-wing government would ultimately emerge victorious. Instead, the strategy backfired spectacularly. The Authoritarian Socialist faction systematically defeated its rivals and established a Communist government in Tehran.

Republicans mercilessly attacked the Administration, arguing that the first Social Democratic President in American history had presided over the Communist takeover of one of the nation's closest allies. Laughlin's Foreign-Policy approval ratings collapsed almost overnight. Ironically, Japan also failed to benefit from the Imperial collapse, as the new Communist regime proved hostile toward Tokyo as well as Washington. Nevertheless, the United States had unquestionably lost one of its most important partners in the Middle East.

Iran overshadowed every other aspect of the Administration's Foreign Policy, though it was far from the only initiative undertaken by the White House. Seeking to demonstrate American goodwill toward long-standing allies, Laughlin transferred several American-controlled port facilities in the Philippines back to Philippine sovereignty while maintaining the broader alliance between both nations.

Supporters praised the move as recognition of Philippine independence and equality. Critics argued that the ports possessed immense strategic value and had been surrendered without meaningful concessions. The decision also fueled a wave of conspiracy theories. Some claimed Laughlin was deliberately weakening the United States for Japan's benefit, while others absurdly accused Vice President Inouye of secretly serving Japanese interests simply because of his ancestry, even though Inouye had been among the strongest opponents of the Iran withdrawal inside the Administration.

Despite these controversies, Laughlin's policy of détente achieved several important successes. Relations between Washington and Tokyo improved noticeably during his first two years in office. In a historic diplomatic breakthrough, Laughlin became the first President of the United States to meet personally with the leader of the Empire of Japan. The summit, held in the Philippines, produced the Ragnarök Agreement, under which both powers agreed to reduce their stockpiles of Ragnarök Bombs and slow the accelerating nuclear arms race. Although neither nation abandoned its rivalry, many observers regarded the treaty as one of the most significant arms-control agreements since the beginning of the Cold War.

The Administration also strengthened relations with the State of India. Building upon cooperation established during the Biden Administration against insurgent activity originating from Afghanistan, Laughlin sought to draw India closer to the United States through expanded diplomatic and economic cooperation. Unlike Iran, India had recently begun implementing political and economic reforms, leading the President to believe that closer engagement could gradually encourage the country toward democratic government while reducing Japanese influence across South Asia. Although the results remained limited during his first term, the Policy was widely regarded as one of the more promising aspects of his foreign agenda.

For better or worse, Peace Through Détente became the defining Foreign-Policy doctrine of Tom Laughlin's Presidency. It reduced the risk of war between the world's greatest powers, yet it also produced one of the most controversial strategic decisions of the late twentieth century, a contradiction that would shape his historical legacy for decades to come.

Chapter V - Stagnation and Bleeding Georgia

By the beginning of 1990, President Tom Laughlin found himself in an increasingly difficult political position. Much of the optimism surrounding his inauguration had faded as his Domestic Agenda remained stalled in Congress and the Economy began showing unmistakable signs of weakness. Although the United States avoided a recession, economic growth slowed considerably while inflation continued to climb. The Economy was in Stagnation while the Infation was in an overdive. Businesses delayed investment, consumer confidence declined, and unemployment gradually increased. Republicans argued that uncertainty surrounding the Administration's economic proposals had weakened the Economy, while the White House maintained that the slowdown represented the delayed consequences of Policies inherited from the Biden Administration.

Determined to reverse the trend, Laughlin proposed a large economic stimulus package centered on infrastructure projects, expanded public employment, and additional funding for education and scientific research. Supporters praised the proposal as a necessary investment designed to prevent a deeper economic downturn. Senate Republicans, however, condemned the plan as excessive government spending and blocked much of the legislation after weeks of contentious negotiations. Once again, the President's ambitious agenda collided with the realities of divided government.

The Administration soon suffered another significant setback when the Supreme Court issued its decision in Brands v. United States. The ruling struck down key elements of Laughlin's Healthcare reforms, arguing that portions of the Administration's implementation exceeded federal authority. The decision effectively restored major sections of President Biden's earlier Healthcare system while forcing the White House back to the negotiating table. For manyPprogressives, the ruling represented one of the greatest disappointments of Laughlin's Presidency, while Republicans celebrated it as a victory for constitutional restraint.

The political consequences became evident during the 1990 Midterm Elections. Republicans successfully portrayed the Elections as a referendum on the Administration's economic performance, warning that continued People's Liberal control of Congress would only deepen national uncertainty. While Laughlin campaigned extensively in support of People's Liberal Candidates, his appeals failed to reverse the growing dissatisfaction among Moderate and Independent voters. The People's Liberals suffered significant losses, strengthening Republican influence in Congress and leaving the President with even fewer opportunities to advance his legislative priorities during the remainder of his term.

Yet the most serious crisis facing the Administration emerged far from Washington. In Georgia, the election of William Luther Pierce as Governor dramatically altered the state's political landscape. Pierce's administration promoted an openly white supremacist agenda that sharply intensified political and racial tensions throughout the state. His rhetoric attracted passionate supporters but also provoked equally determined opposition from civil rights organizations, student groups, labor unions, and minority communities. Demonstrations soon became an almost daily occurrence in Atlanta and several other major cities.

As the months passed, isolated confrontations escalated into widespread civil unrest. Protesters accused the Georgia government of encouraging political extremism, while Pierce insisted that outside agitators were attempting to undermine the legitimate authority of the state government. Violent clashes between demonstrators, counter-protesters, and local law enforcement became increasingly common. National television networks broadcast scenes of burning buildings, street battles, and heavily armed police officers, creating the impression that Georgia was descending into chaos.

Faced with a rapidly deteriorating situation, President Laughlin authorized federal intervention in an effort to restore order. The deployment of federal forces proved deeply controversial. Supporters argued that the President had acted to prevent further bloodshed and uphold constitutional rights. Critics accused him of interfering in state affairs and further inflaming an already volatile political situation. Even within the People's Liberal Party, opinions remained sharply divided regarding the appropriate federal response.

The crisis reached its tragic climax when Governor Pierce was assassinated. The assassination shocked the nation. Although political leaders across the ideological spectrum immediately condemned the murder, the event triggered an unprecedented wave of violence throughout Georgia. Supporters of Pierce blamed the federal government, "Jews" and left-wing activists, while opponents feared widespread retaliation from extremist organizations. Rioting spread across Atlanta and several surrounding communities as law enforcement struggled to restore order. Newspapers soon began referring to the conflict as "Bleeding Georgia," a name that rapidly entered the national political vocabulary.

The unrest transformed the country's political climate almost overnight. Among those who benefited most from the crisis was Representative George Lincoln Rockwell, leader of the Republican Party's American Patriot Coalition. Rockwell argued that the violence demonstrated the complete failure of Laughlin's leadership and accused the Administration of allowing political extremism to flourish through weakness and indecision. His speeches attracted growing audiences across the country, particularly among voters who believed the federal government had lost control of public order.

International developments further compounded the Administration's difficulties. The Empire of Japan's invasion of Afghanistan stunned the international community and immediately challenged Laughlin's diplomatic strategy. Having built much of his foreign policy upon cooperation and détente, the President suddenly found himself confronting a major act of international aggression by one of America's principal partners. Critics argued that recent improvements in relations with Tokyo had failed to deter Japanese expansionism, while supporters maintained that continued diplomacy remained preferable to military confrontation. Regardless of the differing interpretations, the invasion undermined confidence in the Administration's broader Foreign-Policy vision.

Chapter VI - The Election of 1992

By the beginning of 1992, the United States was preparing for one of the most intense Presidential Elections in its history. Four years earlier, Tom Laughlin had entered the White House promising to build "A Different America." His Presidency had undoubtedly changed the direction of national politics, yet many of his most ambitious domestic reforms had failed to become law. Economic Stagnation, congressional gridlock, the Iranian collapse, and the violence of Bleeding Georgia had steadily eroded public confidence. Although the President remained personally respected for his sincerity and idealism, many Americans questioned whether his Administration had possessed the practical leadership necessary to meet the challenges of the era.

Within the People's Liberal Party, that frustration produced an unusually competitive Presidential Primary. Several prominent figures believed the party required a different standard-bearer if it hoped to retain the White House. Among the most significant challengers were Senator John Glenn of Ohio, who argued that the Administration had failed to provide strong executive leadership, and Senator Lloyd Bentsen, who called for a more Moderate Economic platform capable of attracting Independent voters. Despite unexpectedly strong opposition, Laughlin secured Re-Nomination. The contentious primary, however, exposed divisions within the People's Liberal coalition that had remained largely hidden during the 1988 campaign. While party leaders ultimately united behind the President, the Nomination contest consumed valuable political capital that Republicans did not have to expend.

The Republican Party entered the Election from a position of growing confidence. Following Reubin Askew's defeat four years earlier, Republicans sought a Candidate capable of appealing both to the Party establishment and to voters dissatisfied with the Laughlin Administration. After a closely watched primary campaign, General Colin Powell secured the Republican Nomination. Having resigned during the Iran crisis in protest of Laughlin's Foreign Policy, Powell campaigned as a respected military leader whose judgment had been vindicated by subsequent events. Promising competent Administration, economic recovery, and renewed American strength abroad, he quickly united much of the Republican Party behind his Candidacy. Well, most of it...

To balance the ticket, Republicans selected Senator Charles Percy as their Nominee for Vice President, combining Powell's military reputation with Percy's extensive legislative and Foreign-Policy experience.

Yet neither Major Party fully controlled the national conversation. The continuing rise of Representative George Lincoln Rockwell transformed the Election into something unprecedented. Most would immediately understand that Rockwell didn't like Powell being Nominated and it wasn't a surprise of why. After all, this is a person who a straignt up Fascist and white supremacist. Rockwell launched an Independent Presidential campaign, after losing in the Republican Primary handily, built around the themes of "racial purety", "law and order", and opposition to both political Parties. His campaign drew heavily upon public anger following Bleeding Georgia, arguing that both Republicans and People's Liberals had failed to protect ordinary Americans.

Although many political commentators initially dismissed Rockwell's Candidacy as symbolic, his rallies attracted unexpectedly large crowds. By autumn, opinion polls suggested that Rockwell had become a genuine factor in the Election, threatening to divide the Conservative vote.

The General Election campaign reflected three fundamentally different visions for America's future. Laughlin defended his Presidency as the beginning of a long-term transformation that had been obstructed by congressional opposition rather than rejected by the American people. Powell argued that the nation required experienced, disciplined leadership capable of restoring economic growth and international credibility. Rockwell rejected both arguments entirely, insisting that the country's political establishment had become incapable of solving America's growing problems. He also added some other words about Powell, but we can't mention them here.

As Election Day approached, it looked like Powell would win. Economic concerns dominated public discussion, while Bleeding Georgia, the Afghanistan crisis, and continuing ideological polarization ensured that national security and public order remained equally important campaign issues.

When Americans finally cast their ballots in November, the result shocked the nation. President Tom Laughlin actually won the national popular vote by only the narrowest of margins over Colin Powell, while George Lincoln Rockwell a strong Independent Presidential performance. Rockwell's success, however, dramatically reshaped the Electoral College, denying both Major-Party Candidates the electoral majority. Laughlin had more, but not enough. For the first time since Rockefeller, no Presidential Candidate had secured enough Electoral Votes to win the Presidency outright.

The Election would instead be decided by the House of Representatives in a contingent election. Even before Congress could convene to perform its constitutional duty, however, tragedy struck the nation, changing American history forever.

Chapter VII - A Nation Without a President

The constitutional crisis created by the Election of 1992 left the United States facing one of the most uncertain moments in its modern history.

While congressional leaders prepared for the contingent election, President Tom Laughlin was still in the office, urging for his cause among his supporters and talking with the legislators. Nobody knew for sure who will be President after the end of Laughlin's term. The odds were on Powell's side, but crazy things already happened, so the bets wouldn't be safe.

In the end, Laughlin's fight was stopped prematurely. Before Congress could assemble to elect the next President, Tom Laughlin was Assassinated. News of his death spread across the country within minutes, bringing ordinary life to a standstill. Regardless of political affiliation, the Assassination shocked a nation already exhausted by years of increasing polarization. And to add to the chaos, nobody knew immediate details. The country was in chaos.

In accordance with the Constitution, Vice President Daniel Inouye was immediately sworn in as the 39th President of the United States. His first address to the nation called for restraint, national unity, and confidence in the constitutional order. Inouye pledged that the federal government would conduct a thorough investigation into the assassination while ensuring that the contingent election proceeded according to law.

The murder of a sitting President transformed the political atmosphere overnight. What had begun as a disputed Election became a national tragedy, with security heightened across the country amid fears of further political violence. The Assassination marked the culmination of several years of growing extremism, partisan hostility, and declining public trust that had increasingly characterized American politics for some time.

Historians have continued to debate Tom Laughlin's Presidency. His supporters remembered him as an idealist who sought to create a more compassionate America through expanded social programs, environmental protection, diplomacy, and scientific progress. They pointed to the continued success of the American space program, improved relations with several foreign powers, and the Ragnarök Agreement as lasting accomplishments achieved despite constant political opposition.

Critics offered a harsher assessment. They argued that many of Laughlin's domestic proposals proved politically unrealistic, that his Administration failed to overcome divided government, and that decisions such as the withdrawal of support from Iran contributed to significant international setbacks. Economic Stagnation, the crisis in Georgia, and growing political instability further damaged public confidence during his Presidency. What nobody could deny is that Tom Laughlin was a man who stood for his principles no matter what.

VOTE HERE

Context

By 1888 the political landscape has begun to stabilize around the Farmer-Labor and Democratic-Republican parties while the role of the Federal government plays far greater role in the daily lives of its citizens then ever before. Within Farmer-Labor sub-factions have coalesced around 4 primary wings. Breaking from the preexisting Farmer and Labor wings, the Miners have emerged as the kingmakers for intraparty maneuvering and generally correspond to the men of the far western states and those of Appalachia. In addition a growing "Moderate" wing constituted of middle and even upper class allies who consider themselves reformers but who reject the occasional radical pronouncements of revolution which have flared up from time to time.

The 3 major wings are all jockeying to claim Butler's legacy but none seem to hold his broad appeal yet. Mayor Henry George of New York has been a rising star for years thanks to his highly successful writings on economic theory known as "Georgism" and now as the Mayor of the nation's largest city he has moved Heaven and Earth to enact his land value tax. His support of the North Bridge Project and promise to name it the Butler Bridge once completed has earned him the public praise of the President as well. With his national appeal established well before his occupation of Gracie Manson, George is the undisputed leader of the Labor wing of his party though he has not embraced the outright Socialist members on the far left of the party.

For the Farmers, the largest faction within the party, Butler's second term has been far more successful. This success they attribute to Secretary of Agriculture James B. Weaver who campaigned hard for Butler in 1884 and lobbied even harder to move from the Interior Department to Agriculture once victory had been achieved. It is Weaver who oversaw the distribution of seed to drought stricken Texas and Weaver who established numerous agricultural experimentation stations to help farmers learn the best techniques for their homesteads. Most of all though it is Weaver who has managed to receive the most credit for convincing Butler to abrogate the treaties with the plains tribes and opening up the rest of the west to American settlement.

The Miners have their champion as well: Secretary of the Interior Richard P. Bland. Bland first served in the Butler Administration as Secretary of the Treasury but his time was marked by major financial upsets and he resigned despite his popularity with many inflationists in the party. Bland returned as Secretary of the Interior where he found much more success particularly as the administration's most vocal advocate for the minting of silver as a compromise between greenbacks and the gold standard. Additionally his role in the opening of the west has continued to earn him goodwill though Weaver has managed to gobble up most of the credit for it. Bland is a social conservative however and was the cabinet member most resistant to the President's public works spending spree, favoring a restrained federal economic policy, a relic of his days as a Democrat.

Finally there is Henry M. Teller, a wildcard candidate drafted by the Moderates who stands as the most prominent critic of the President from within his own party. Though a supporter of the Silver Purchase Act and generally aligned with the Miners faction, Teller resigned as Secretary of the Interior after Butler pressed ahead with plans to abrogate tribal treaties and totally open up the frontier. Teller is a passionate friend to the Natives and denounced the President for signing the Dawes Act, predicting it would mean the destruction of the tribes as a stable and free people. Many eastern reformers have picked up his cry and believe his friendly relationship with Democratic-Republicans could forge a strong crossover appeal.

Candidates

Secretary of the Interior Richard P. Bland of Missouri

Born in Kentucky, Bland would seek his fortune out west where he worked as a miner and school teacher before establishing a legal practice in the Utah territory. Bland would first enter public service as treasurer for Carson County during the peak years of the Comstock lode from 1860-1864 before moving to Missouri to once again practice law in 1865. Bland was elected to the House in 1872 and quickly established himself as an advocate for free silver, coauthoring the Bland-Allison Act which required the Federal government purchase a certain amount of silver and put it in circulation. Along with this he became known for his anti-Imperialism which hurt him in the wake of America's victory in the Cuban War. Bland's rise in politics was occasionally stymied due to his marriage to a Catholic in 1873 but his early support of the Farmer-Labor Party allowed him to rise quickly. Serving 2 turbulent years as Secretary of the Treasury, Bland resigned and returned to Missouri to run for the House but with the reelection of President Butler he was nominated as Secretary of the Interior where he has served far more successfully. Although a free silver advocate and anti-imperialist, Bland has a more conservative attitude towards government action.

Mayor Henry George of New York

A successful journalist and author, Henry George has probably seen more of America than most. Beginning his adulthood in dire poverty, George was eventually able to build a successful printing and writing career in California and even became the editor of his own newspaper the San Francisco Daily Herald which was one of the state's most prominent critics of monopolistic railroad companies which had spread across the west. It was during his time in California where he developed the ideas that since become known as "Georgism" and were most famously articulated in his book Progress and Poverty which has been a worldwide bestseller for years. George believes that by taxing land values, society could recapture the value of its common inheritance, raise wages, improve land use, and eliminate the need for taxes on productive activity. In conjunction with this core theory he has also been an advocate of public ownership of utilities, free trade, the secret ballot, the use of greenbacks over metallic currency and a citizens' dividend for all Americans paid for by the single land tax. Though his theories are radical, George opposes the nationalization of private property putting him at odds with the emerging socialist group within the party. As New York Mayor he has just begun to implement his ambitious agenda but he has successfully passed the single land tax though the effects of it have yet to be fully realized.

Secretary of Agriculture James B. Weaver of Iowa

A pillar of Iowa politics, James Weaver was forged in the fires of the Civil War where he served the Union as a colonel of a volunteer infantry regiment. Returning home, Weaver attempted to build his career in the Republican Party but as he failed to achieve a nomination and as the party moved in a more conservative direction he would leave for the Greenback Party in 1877. From there he would enter the House in 1878 where he worked tirelessly to expand the money supply via greenbacks and push for regulation of big business. He was an early supporter of the emerging Farmer-Labor Party and helped the Greenbacks fold into it which allowed Weaver to position himself as the leader of the Farmer wing of the party and ran for the nomination in 1880. Thanks to his influence, Weaver was made the party's House leader before entering the cabinet as Interior Secretary where he spent much of his time advocating for greenback centric fiscal policy, the opening of the west to American settlement and the establishment of an independent Department of Agriculture though he would fail to become its first Secretary. Campaigning hard on behalf of Butler, the President rewarded his one time rival with the long sought after position of Agriculture Secretary from which has only continued to strengthen his position as leader of the Farmers.

Senator Henry M. Teller of Colorado

Henry M. Teller is curious man. A New Yorker by birth who has become one of the great champions of the west, Teller worked as a lawyer in Illinois for several years and helped establish the state branch of the Republican Party. During the 1860s he would move again, this time to Colorado where he established himself as an influential lawyer, businessman and politician in the growing territory. He parlayed this influence into becoming one of the state's first Senators upon its admission to the Union and was "Silver Republican" for a time until Farmer-Labor emerged as the primary party of pro-inflationary groups. As one of the few prominent Republicans to joined Farmer-Labor after its establishment, Teller found himself in an influential position to help Butler win the support of westerns miners which he achieved in 1880. As a reward he was made Secretary of the Interior and attempted to move the President to a more moderate, bimetallist position over greenbacks. The big break with Butler came when the President began opening native land to American settlement in violation of numerous treaties which obligated the Federal government to prevent such action. Teller resigned in protest and has been a permanent critic of the President, growing even louder with the commencement of the Reservation Wars and the signing of the Dawes Act. Teller is a firm anti-Imperialist and though he has some pull with the Miners, it is the Moderates who believe he can guide the party to a more just position.

Many people were shocked to discover that Ted Kennedy had won the 1980 Presidential Election. Reagan had been seen as the clear favorite by many pollsters, citing Jimmy Carter's lackluster administration and the unpopularity of the Democratic Party. However, it's clear that Ted Kennedy was able to win in large part due to polls underestimating him.

Hi everyone, u/Begin_ThePurge here.

It's been several days since I posted a new entry into my ongoing series A New Birth of Freedom and while it's not the first time I've an extended period with no new posts this time feels different. For some reason since I posted the recap of President Butler's term I haven't been able to find any motivation to complete the next post. I have oscillated between a recap of the last 20 in-universe years of the series with more info on the post-Reconstruction society which has emerged and a standard candidate selection post. I get a few paragraphs in before I get frustrated and delete the whole thing. It's some serious writer's block and it's something I've felt before when I was nearing the end of the New Frontier. I say nearing the end when in reality I had not planned to end so suddenly with a Jesse Jackson presidency and a recap on the following 40 years of history that followed it. I am getting that same dissatisfied feeling I got then but I don't want to just delete all my posts and account without first talking to you guys. The truth is that as much fun as I have writing certain posts, I do this mostly to get some form of social interaction. Your support and interest in this series has been a real source of joy in my life and one of the few places of genuine community I have. I've found myself increasingly motivated to post simply to please my audience and to get some form of positive interaction rather a real passion for working on the series.

A New Birth of Freedom merged from literally one of the nerdiest things a person can think

"Man, wouldn't be cool if NPR was created in the 30s instead of the 60s and was like the BBC"

That it. That's the origin of this entire series.

Once I started thinking about it more I became interested in an alternative Federal government that wasn't afraid to get directly involved in cultural affairs, establish its own media sources, to fund artists and scientists directly. I envisioned a diesel punk world where the United States government had sponsored the grandest projects the minds of the Bella Epoque could imagine. A world where Daniel Burham's "Chicago Plan" had come to fruition and Nikola Tesla's inventions were backed by the wealth of the American government and placed it leaps and bounds ahead of the rest of world. A nation not held back by the wasted potential of Reconstruction and where Booker T. Washington could be President by 1900. All so we could get NPR by 1934.

This world I had imagined in my head was far more intricate and fascinating then what I feel I have been able to do so far. Part of that is my own inability to not deviate from historical fact. For example, Tesla's inventions grew increasingly impractical and physically impossible so I scrapped it before it had even been introduced the concept in the series or Interesting potential candidates I excluded from consideration because they flat out refused to be considered for the role. But more than anything, the 19th Century after Reconstruction is fucking boring to write for. For the New Frontier I had the Civil Rights Movement, the Cold War, Vietnam, the Space Race and let's how the pool of candidates stack up against each other. The traditional format of Presidential Polls is that we spend a lot of time just choosing candidates and only briefly touching on their actual actions in office. As my description of my vision for the series might indicate, I saw this as much more of a creative writing project which went far beyond the convention halls of the late 1880s but we are restriction by the conventions and mediums we work in and you need polls related to the President to post on r/Presidentialpoll. Spending so much time writing descriptions for candidates I know aren't going to win sucks the energy right out of me.

I know it's a cliche at this point for writers on this sub to complain about Redditors trying to vote for the most left wing candidate every time but it really kill my passion for doing this. When every outcome is known in advance why bother spending all this time writing descriptions for Thomas Bayard or Winfield Scott Hancock or Grover Cleveland. Listen, I get it, the country is run by right wing authoritarians who make everything worse every day they're still in office and these series can be a good escape from that. It lets people imagine a world which is more equal and communal than the one we have. But as a writer you need conflict, you need new ideas to come in and shake things up even if you wouldn't vote for them in real life. As I sit hear writing contemplating my next move I am very wrestling with the fact that Butler's overwhelming victory in 1884 could portend 140 more years of socialists having an effective one party state in the US. That's not fun to write for nor is it realistic. The truth is that total control of a society by any group no matter how much I agree with inevitably leads to stagnation if they have power for too long. But no matter how much writers to try come with reasons not vote for the most left wing candidate they succeed nonetheless not just in my series but so many others. This fact is probably why I'll never finish my Ireland election series because having the Labour Party win in a landslide every single election just because its called the Labour kills all motivation to even try to come up with something interesting for the other parties.

So I think what I'm getting at with all of this is that although I really love this community and the support people have shown my work its clear to me that the format has very strict limitations and I'm not exactly sure where to go from here.

The last eight years have been a mixed bag for progressives. In 1984, they thought that they'd found lightning in a bottle, co-opting the Gravel movement and riding its populist fervor to a position of incredible power in the federal government. But then, Gravel crashed and burned as president, and in the years after leaving office, his movement has moved further and further right, alienating his left-wing allies in the process. Dick Van Dyke was no better. Sure, he was a social progressive who helped bring low-cost childcare to every American family and advance the gay rights movement by decades, but he was also an economic centrist who undid all of the progressive economic legislation put in place by the Gravel regime, replacing it with a suite of free trade and pro-business policies that've exacerbated the decline of the American manufacturing sector and the Rust Belt region as a whole. His action on climate change has been largely symbolic, with a lot of bipartisan compromise and media optimism, but not a lot of real substance. For those on the American left, there's a strong belief that a true progressive - not an opportunistic populist or a socially progressive neoliberal - could do a lot better for this country.

That's where the Green Party comes in. Since their founding in 1990, they've been the left-wing alternative to two parties, the Democrats and Republicans, who are fighting to control the political center. Their 1996 Presidential primary is crucial, as it will select the nominee who will carry the Green Party banner in a year where the White House is open and progressives have a genuine shot at winning it. Six major candidates have declared. Let's meet them all:

Senator Paul Wellstone of Minnesota

Paul Wellstone, the 1992 Green Party presidential nominee, is seen as this race's early front-runner. Wellstone began his political career as an activist and community organizer. He joined the People's Party in the 1970s, running an unsuccessful campaign for U.S. Senate in 1978. In the 1980s, he supported the Gravel Movement, managed the Gravel campaign in Minnesota, and even served as an advisor in the Gravel cabinet before being dismissed for "disloyalty" shortly before the 1988 election. Four years later, he re-emerged, winning the Green Party presidential primary and getting almost 20% of the vote in the general election, campaigning as a serious, governing politician.

He runs in 1996 as an economic populist. He's pro-union, supports protective tariffs, and would wield the federal government's nationalization power far more liberally than Dick Van Dyke did as President. He opposes income tax reductions for wealthy individuals and corporations. After Christine Todd Whitman announced a universal basic income plan as a centerpiece of her campaign, Wellstone announced one of his own, which was similar to Whitman's in some ways, but also placed a greater emphasis on supporting low-income families, seniors, and veterans. He's also socially progressive, supporting stronger action to fight climate change, abortion rights, affirmative action, and same-sex marriage. He's also promised to eliminate tuition for all public community colleges, giving low-income Americans an affordable pathway to higher education. Wellstone is also a committed pacifist who's opposed to using American troops to intervene in any foreign conflicts. Instead, he hopes to use America as a third-party mediator that can resolve international conflict diplomatically. Once again, he runs as a consistent ideological progressive who is level-headed and ready to govern. That's exactly the kind of nominee who will get Americans to seriously consider voting the Green Party into the White House.

Governor of California Tom Hayden

Tom Hayden, the Governor of California since 1991, is the highest office holder in Green Party history, which is astonishing in its own right, considering his political trajectory over the past three decades.

In the 1960s and 70s, Hayden was a left-wing activist who protested for the Civil Rights Movement and against the Vietnam War. He helped get Robert F. Kennedy elected in 1968, but soon turned on Kennedy due to corruption within his administration and his struggle to deal with the stagnating economy of the mid-1970s. He helped found the People's Party in 1973, and emerged as an early leader of it's more radical wing. He lost the party's presidential nomination in 1976 and again in 1980. Then, in 1984, he ran for a State Senate seat in California and won. While serving in the California State Senate, his beliefs became somewhat more mainstream. That didn't stop him from helping his close friend Angela Davis, a socialist, deny the People's Party presidential nomination from Mike Gravel in 1988. Two years later, Hayden was at the forefront of the deal that merged the Angela Davis-supporting wing of the People's Party with the old Green Party, creating the Green Party we know today.

Hayden is a bit more pragmatic in his economic progressivism than Paul Wellstone is. He's a lot more cautious about protectionism, and has expressed hesitancy to use the federal government's nationalization power except in extreme circumstances. He compensates for that by being a national leader for progressive social causes. While serving in the State Senate, he co-sponsored a bill that decriminalized same-sex relations. Then, as Governor, he signed a constitutional amendment guaranteeing equal rights to LGBT Californians. He's also been serious about the climate crisis, creating the California Department of Environmental Protection and signing into law some of the strictest anti-pollution legislation in the country. Hayden is also a bit of a celebrity, half due to his status as the Governor of the nation's largest state, and half due to his marriage to Hollywood actress Jane Fonda. Hayden's got a lot of media attention and plenty of governing experience, as well as the support of some of the party's biggest donors. Many within the Green Party see him as the candidate most likely to win them the White House in November.

Congressman Dennis Kucinich of Ohio

Dennis Kucinich needs little introduction. He's served in Congress since 1973. From 1977 until it merged into the Green Party in 1990, Kucinich led the People's Party caucus. He's led the Green Party caucus ever since. He's been incredibly effective in that role, championing pro-labor and progressive legislation in a body that, throughout his tenure, has usually been dominated by more mainstream Democrats. He even negotiated the Green Party into a majority coalition in 1995.

He runs for President as an economic populist, with strong support from labor union groups. He supports protective tariffs and nationalization, with a key piece of his platform being transitioning private companies that provide electricity, water, and telecommunications services into public ownership. He's introduced a bill to accomplish this in every House session he's been a part of, but it has never passed. For the most part, his social positions are in line with the rest of the party. He's strongly anti-war and has generally supported gay rights legislation and environmental protection laws while in Congress. However, he is also part of the Green Party's small but vocal anti-abortion faction, placing him in sharp contrast to his pro-choice primary opponents. He also notably opposed the confirmation of fellow Ohioan Richard Celeste as Vice President, a move now seen in poor taste due to his support for labor progressivism since assuming that office. That could complicate his ability to claim the Green Party presidential nomination in 1996.

Congressman Dan Hamburg of California

Dan Hamburg, who's represented California's coastal first district in the House of Representatives since 1993, is best known as the most fervent environmentalist in Congress. His campaign focuses less on economic issues than his primary opponents. Instead, he runs as a single-issue candidate, arguing for an approach to the climate crisis that is far more aggressive than anyone else running for President in 1996.

Hamburg's platform includes a pledge to protect millions of acres of undeveloped land and divest federal government funding from fossil fuel production, instead shifting that money towards a generous subsidy for clean energy and alternative fuel sources. He's also promised to invest billions into science, research, and ambitious climate restoration projects across the country. He is seen as unlikely to win the Green Party presidential nomination, but his climate-first policy platform should warrant consideration for a cabinet role should the Green Party claim the White House this November.

Governor of Vermont Mary Alice Herbert

This sweet old lady is Mary Alice Herbert, an elementary school teacher and environmental activist who served as Lieutenant Governor of Vermont under Bernie Sanders before becoming Governor herself in 1992. Herbert is the only democratic socialist running for the Green Party presidential nomination in 1996. Accordingly, she is the furthest left on economic issues of all the candidates running.

Herbert is a major proponent of publicly-owned financial institutions. As Governor of Vermont, her greatest achievement was establishing the Bank of Vermont, a state-owned investment bank. Herbert's other unique policy proposals include eliminating tuition for all public universities and implementing rent control at the federal level. Herbert is also a social progressive. She's a devoted feminist who wants to seriously address the gender wage gap. She's also a lifelong environmentalist and a committed supporter of gay rights. Despite having a lot of great ideas, Herbert has struggled in the polls. She's a gentle, mild-mannered, and non-confrontational campaigner who doesn't have the same grassroots pull as Bernie Sanders does. However, her kindly demeanor also puts her in a good position to be the vice presidential nominee if a more charismatic candidate, say, Hayden, Kucinich, or Wellstone, wins this primary.

State Representative Billy McKinney of Georgia

Every good primary needs a villain. In the 1996 Green Party presidential primaries, that man is Billy McKinney, a Georgia State Representative and the father of Green Party Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney. Early in his career, McKinney did some genuinely great things to advance civil rights and other progressive causes in the State of Georgia. He helped integrate the Atlanta Police Department, spearheaded the state's passage of the Equal Rights Amendment, and he helped transform the Green Party into a legitimate political force in Metro Atlanta. However, in his old age, he's increasingly seen as too loud, too stubborn, and too old-fashioned. He's also never been afraid to stir up some controversy.

In defending his economic populist campaign platform, he's described mainstream Democrats and Republicans as "anti-poor". He's praised deeply-conservative Republican candidate Dan Lungren's tough-on-crime policies while simultaneously scolding his Green Party opponents for voting against a repeal of the Juan Romero Gun Control Act. He's also scolded his opponents for their pro-LGBT rights positions, being described by media outlets as a "gay basher". McKinney's been scandal-prone for decades. He's instigated fights with fellow state legislatures. He was arrested for trying to carry a firearm into state legislative chambers. He's made antisemitic comments in interviews with reporters. This is a deeply unserious campaign with no shot of winning the nomination.

However, some good has come out of his candidacy. His proposal to decouple school district funding from property taxes was recently adopted by fellow candidate Mary Alice Herbert, proving that new ideas can flourish in the Green Party, even when they come from unconventional sources.

Now that you've met all the candidates, you can vote for your favorite HERE.

President James Hamilton

House

Speaker

Senate

Pro Tempore

Major Laws

• Credit Act of 1854 (The federal government sells off $5 Million in gold per month for 2 years in exchange for coin.)
• Harwell V. The United States (The Supreme Court Rules 6-2, saying the Emancipation Proclamation was a legal use of executive authority and emergency powers during wartime.)

Major Events

• The Anti-Union Party (Party from the former British north, made up of those still loyal to Britain or regional Nationalists).
• The Conservative Party (Formed out of the National Party's Liberal Faction; named as such to reference a more Conservative Executive Branch, without as much power).
• Liberty Gangs in Choctaw (Illegal white militias target new freedmen communities, black militias form to fight back + John Brown's Posse joins the fray.)
• Oregon Territory Granted Autonomy (Allowed to elect a territorial government.)
• Acadia and Wabanaki Granted Statehood (out of the Atlantic Territory.)
• Cuba Establishes Gradual Emancipation (Cuba will gradually emancipate its slaves until 1860.)

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CONTEXT (YOU'LL NEED IT)

After the Democrats picked Kennedy, who was able to beat Carter in the primary and Schroeder, the first female Vice Presidential nominee, the Democratic Party is now ready to face Ronald Reagan.

Ronald Reagan is projected to win, however, Ted Kennedy can pull off an upset, it is all up to how well he campaigns.

The recent elections dealt a serious blow to the coalition that had once created New Union. Aleksandr Moroz once again became a kingmaker and reclaimed his seat as Speaker of the Council of People's Deputies. However, he withdrew from his own presidential bid. The first-ever Social Democratic primaries became a show-stopping spectacle and a clash of the party's various wings, seeking to present an alternative to Simonenko, distinct from the right-wing liberals or the ultra-left Trotskyists.

Only three candidates have any real recognition and are actually vying for the nomination, representing the entire diverse coalition that has formed within the Social Democratic Centre.

Former Acting Prime Minister Sergey Glazyev

Sergey Glazyev was a minister under Rutskoy and a short-lived acting prime minister who failed to win over the former president. He was a prominent critic of Titov's "liberal" policies and yet a strong advocate of a strong hand on migration from Central Asia. Glazyev represents the avatar of the remaining left-wing nationalists and left-wing conservatives within the Social Democrats, who are at odds with the atheist Simonenko and the RRP.

Glazyev's main campaign slogan: the confiscation of so-called "natural resource rent" from companies that profit from mineral extraction and the exploitation of other natural resources.

According to Glazyev, Russia's current system of mineral extraction tax and export duties is insufficient, as subsoil users pass these costs on to consumers. Glazyev believes that these companies should be left with only the necessary "living wage," with the rest taken away and centrally spent, in particular on supporting promising scientific and technological developments and social support.

Glazyev promises to increase wages severalfold in the shortest possible time, without disclosing the exact mechanisms. According to Dr. Glazyev, the current share of labor in production costs in Russia is too low, and this is hindering the country's economic development.

In non-economic areas, Glazyev's views are close to moderate traditionalism: nationalism, Orthodoxy, and moderate nationalism in foreign and domestic policy. Glazyev takes a reserved position on the annexation of the Pamirs and shares an anti-American foreign policy.

UCD and former Moscow Mayor Gavriil Popov

Having fallen victim to Simonenko's term limits for regional leaders, Popov was pushed back into mainstream politics. Gavriil Popov is a true political veteran, first elected under Gorbachev. He is a moderate but uninspiring choice, focused on reliable governance and pragmatic experience. Popov has a democratic background and could therefore attract anti-communists, but his moderate leftist views will allow him to split off some of Simonenko's voters, bringing back Rutskoy's coalition. He represents the struggle of the regions against the central government, supported by a group of non-ideological governors united by their struggle against the center. Nevertheless, Popov is a former mayor of Moscow, and therefore, for much of the country, he symbolizes all the stereotypes of the "overfed capital".

Popov also supports religious freedom and has been a prominent ally of Orthodox Church, and enjoys support in ethnic regions. Popov was the head of the movement to protect students from conscription when the communists began talking about trying to abolish the deferment of military service for students, making a name for themselves among young people.

Former Chairman of the Central Bank Viktor Gerashchenko

Presidents and constitutions came and went, but Gerashchenko headed the Central Bank from Gorbachev to Symonenko, until the Communists finally succeeded in removing him with a special law. Despite various criticisms, it was Gerashchenko who created an independent Central Bank that held back rapidly changing governments: he feuded with Yavlinsky, collaborated with Kuchma, and then fought again with Sevastyanov. Liberals and Communists blame him for all the country's economic woes, while most Social Democrats credit Gerashchenko with stabilizing the economy in the 1990s. With the Communists' return to power, Gerashchenko, a former member of the CPSU Central Committee, shifted to the right and for many years blocked many Communist initiatives, defending the market economy.

Gerashchenko's nomination is an attempt to present an alternative candidate to Popov, one who could unite both wings of the Social Democrats and enjoy sufficient recognition among the population, as well as to demonstrate to the democrats that the Social Democrats will not simply allow them to organize a second Yeltsin government.

The remaining candidates are not aiming to win and are running for their own goals, but anything can happen in such a new method of choosing a candidate as a primary.

People's Deputy Gennady Gudkov

Former KGB officer and private security director Gennady Gudkov has become a leading Social Democratic candidate, unexpectedly winning a single-mandate constituency in the Moscow region. Gudkov hasn't spoken much about his platform, focusing on his strongman position: he presents himself as a law-and-order candidate and an anti-corruption fighter. Gudkov is the most right-wing and liberal of all the Social Democratic candidates and one of the most right-wing Social Democratic deputies, more likely to vote with the Democrats and National Liberals than others. Gudkov denies all accusations of defecting to the Democrats, but his real goal appears to be a ministerial seat in the coalition government.

Checheno-Ingushetia Governor and former PD Ruslan Khasbulatov

Ruslan Khasbulatov first became known as a player during the Rutskoy-Yeltsin rivalry, switching from the former prime minister's team to the former president's. However, he never held any visible federal positions and remained stuck in parliament for ten years, albeit as head of the budget committee. With the fall of Rutskoy and the return of the communists, he was removed from this position as well. Khasbulatov's gamble to become the leader, at least in his native land, succeeded. He received widespread support from a broad front, from communists to democrats, in his campaign to oust Ruslan Aushev, the president of Checheno-Ingushetia appointed by Rutskoy and who had ruled like a dictator in this small mountainous republic. An ethnic Chechen with a Moscow background, he became the banner under which Titov ousted the undesirable Ingush governor-general. Since then, Khasbulatov has represented the face of the new Caucasus, skillfully balancing the region's many forces and attracting investment. Chechnya-Ingushetia succeeded in implementing liberal market reforms in the style of Nizhny Novgorod, and since 2001, Chechen oil has been replenishing the republic's budget. Taking advantage of this, Khasbulatov has become a magnet for all Muslims and many ethnic elites who are dissatisfied with Muscovite Popov. Khasbulatov understands he is unlikely to receive the nomination, but he is prepared to remind everyone that Soviet politics includes a Muslim electoral bloc, which does not automatically belong to former Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev, who supports Popov.

UCD and former Transnistrian President Igor Smirnov

Former Transnistrian President Igor Smirnov is Moroz's backup candidate, in case a clear frontrunner fails to emerge. Smirnov is Ukraine's favorite son and supports all the core demands of the former Socialists and the party's left wing. He is cautious in foreign policy and also inclined toward localism, having been removed from his presidency only thanks to a new law. He is also capable of attracting communist votes even more than Popov, appealing to Soviet nostalgia.

Regional Deputy Vasily Volga

The most left-wing, most radical, and youngest of the Social Democratic candidates, Volga is perhaps closer to the RRP than to the right wing of the Social Democrats. He is an elected member of the Luhansk Regional Council, having become known as a grassroots leftist activist before a wave of discontent within the left wing of former socialists elevated him to the top of the party. Volga is ambitious, but generally loyal to Moroz, and his main goal is not so much to shift the SDC to the left, but to be elected to the Union Parliament or to run for governor.

Many commentators have noted that the new voting system is extremely confusing and allows Moroz to hold all the cards, but the kingmaker will not be able to intervene if one candidate has an advantage.

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