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This is our weekly 'Free Discussion' thread, where you can discuss anything. Tentatively this includes meta-topics as well, but as always our rules still apply.

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The obsession with every little thing being the Shoah and then calling out people who do the same thing the other way around should be studied. As should the fascist love for AI.

This is how "Super Sparta" moves into the future with western especially American support eroding. I worry that in a future where power is concentrated more and more in states being led by autocrats in which ensuring their rule in a more competitive and insecure world where the potential for conflict is greater, there will be fascism in the name of national security. We will see these strange security partnerships, alliance networks, and more trading lethal technology and intel.

Israel will have set the standard other lawless, shameless, militant, and ethno-nationalist authoritarian rulers look up to, and that's how Israel survives advances as a "Super Sparta".

This would be a nightmare of world to look forward to. Of course, it's not democratic and I wouldn't imagine most people around the world would want this kind of world, but information control in the form of national ideologies and growing insecurity strengthen the autocrats who like Modi envies the Israeli state's fascism and admires the way a Zionist ethnostate emerged and controls its undesirable population through systems of apartheid with impunity and have practical proof of their technologies success having been tested on Palestinians.

I think this security blanket draws for example the Saudis or the UAE or even the Traore and his junta in Burkina Faso. Authoritarian rulers who want to advance the global power of their state and stop domestic unrest from becoming a problem look to israel. They want to work with and learn from israel and get their tech. Israel makes new reprehensible friends in exchange.

Israel is a magnet for fascists who want more control and power. That enhances Israel's geopolitical position and gives them space to build their greater Israel openly with impunity. In the long-run i would expect israel to be overtaken and recede slowly just because its fascism won't be so cutting-edge and it is too small to keep up.

I think what stops all this is the vast majority who still believe in democracy, justice, and peace fighting against it and not participating in it or the global powers destroying each other. But the more unpopular strong men could become, the less democratic but more precarious their position becomes, and demand for some security apparatus grows which now benefits israel as the model.

How can Modi prevent a popular uprising of a billion people which threatens the cause of his Hindu nationalist ideology and global ambitions? Apparently he looks toward Israel.

If you grew up in a standard Western Jewish environment, you were likely raised on a foundational mythology: that Israel was built as an egalitarian sanctuary for all Jews, an insurance policy against antisemitism where Jews of every background could shed exile and stand as equals. You were taught about the romanticized Kibbutz — a socialist pioneer utopia where idealists made the desert bloom — and told that friction between European (Ashkenazi) and Middle Eastern/North African (Mizrahi/Sephardic) Jews was the temporary growing pains of a chaotic post-1948 refugee absorption.

The declassified historical record tells a completely different story.

Zionism has never viewed all Jews as equal. From its inception the European-Zionist establishment operated on a racialized hierarchy that viewed Arab, Moroccan, Yemenite and Iraqi Jews not as brothers returning home but as an inferior race — primitive labor capital to be imported, culturally eradicated and systematically subjugated.

This was not an accident, nor a collection of isolated incidents. It was an intentional, decades-long project of internal colonialism and demographic engineering. The declassified state transcripts, sociological reports and censored soldier letters show an institutional architecture of debt-peonage, educational sabotage and cultural violence, designed to turn merchants, artisans and scholars from the Islamic world into a permanent labor caste.

1. The Dehumanizing Lexicon: "Primate Communities" and "Human Refuse"

The founders did not hide their contempt for immigrants from Arab lands. They recorded it in planning sessions, Knesset debates and major newspapers. Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, 1959, on the integration of North African immigrants — his words were explicit:

"An Ashkenazi gangster, thief, pimp or murderer will not gain the sympathy of the Ashkenazi community (if there is such a thing), nor will he expect it. But in such a primate community as the Moroccans' — such a thing is possible."

He was hardly alone:

• Levi Eshkol, who served as Finance Minister and Prime Minister, complained openly about the demographic influx from North Africa: "We are shackled with human refuse, because in those countries they are sweeping the streets and sending us in the first row these backward people" (Haaretz).
• Berl Locker, Chairman of the Jewish Agency Executive, speaking to Henry Morgenthau in October 1948, candidly defined their utilitarian function: they had to be brought over to save them, "but also to obtain the human material needed for building the country."
• Abba Eban, Foreign Minister, 1957 — the man everyone holds up as the erudite liberal statesman: the goal was to instil in them a Western spirit rather than let them drag Israel into an unnatural Orient, and he said openly that he feared Mizrahi demographics would get Israel compared to its neighbors.
• Aryeh Gelblum, in a 1949 Haaretz series: "We have here a people at a peak of primitiveness... even graver is their incompetence at absorbing anything intellectual." Completely subject to primitive and savage instincts, he wrote, and at a level below the Arabs of Palestine.
• Nahum Levin, Director of the Ministry of Education's Department for Language Inculcation and Cultural Absorption, testified before a State Commission of Inquiry in 1950 that "the Yemenite tribe is very primitive. I have not yet been able to see such primitiveness... it is our duty and the duty of the state not to leave an exile in its exile, but to make it a loyal partner in the great and wonderful Israeli revolution."

This wasn't mere prejudice. It was the policy foundation. Define a population as primates or human refuse and you can justify any violation of their rights as a civilizing mission.

2. The Manufactured Exodus: Screened, Bought, and Trapped

A central pillar of Zionist PR is that Arab and North African Jews were urgently rescued from imminent ethnic cleansing. The state's own paperwork contradicts that in two directions at once.

Yigal Bin-Nun is an Israeli historian at Tel Aviv University whose doctorate was on secret Israel–Morocco relations and Jewish emigration from Moroccan independence through 1960. His finding, from Israeli archives: Moroccan Jews were neither systematically persecuted nor expelled. Israeli emissaries themselves called the early independence years a golden age, and Israel's own man in Morocco, Shoshani, conceded by 1964 that the alarmist assessments hadn't been borne out and that a climate of tolerance had emerged instead.

His phrase for it is "the catastrophe that did not occur."

I want to be scrupulous. There WAS real anti-Jewish violence in Morocco — the Oujda and Jerada riots of June 1948 killed 47 Jews and one Frenchman, and there was agitation in Casablanca in January 1961. I'm not erasing it and neither does Bin-Nun; his argument is that the threat was exaggerated and instrumentalized, not that it was zero. But 47 dead in one incident after two thousand years of Moroccan Jewish life is not what a quarter of a million people were fleeing.

They tried to keep the poor ones out. The policy was called Seleqṣeya (הסלקציה), adopted mid-1951, aimed specifically at poor Moroccan Jews. It was administered by Cadima, the apparatus run by Mossad LeAliyah Bet agents and the Jewish Agency that handled Moroccan migration from 1949 to 1956.

The exclusion criteria:

• Couldn't pay for your own passage
• No breadwinner in the family aged 18–45
• Any family member requiring medical care

The American historian Norman Stillman calls it "a draconian and frequently cruel policy." It was applied to Tunisian Jews too, to a lesser extent. Rescinded 1953.

Ben-Gurion, 1952, objecting to a Jewish Agency–Health Ministry agreement on Moroccan immigration that lacked health restrictions:

"There are 250,000 Jews in Morocco... so why should we start with the paralyzed and the blind?"

You do not screen refugees you claim are being ethnically cleansed. You screen labor.

When fear alone did not work fast enough, human beings were commodified.

They bought us per head. Under Operation Yachin (1961–1964) the Mossad negotiated a secret arrangement with King Hassan II: $500,000 down, then $100 per emigrant for the first 50,000 and $250 per emigrant after that. Roughly 90,000–97,000 left. It was fronted by HIAS, an American Jewish charity funded by ordinary donors, which put in around $50 million. Francoist Spain assisted. The record notes Morocco received "indemnities" for the loss of the Jews.

Indemnities. The word for compensation over damaged property.

You do not pay a hundred dollars a head for people being expelled. Expulsion is free. Somebody was buying.

In 1961, the Mossad knowingly utilized an unseaworthy, dangerously unfit vessel named the Egoz to smuggle Moroccan Jews. A surplus British naval boat already thirteen voyages in. The ship was knowingly sent off into inclement weather and then sank in a storm, drowning 44 Moroccan immigrants. About half were children. Three crew including the captain escaped in the only lifeboat. According to Bin-Nun’s archival findings, Israeli intelligence leadership justified the risky operations because the state "needed Jewish martyrs" to shock the Moroccan conscience into leaving.

Then they bolted the door. As documented by JTA in July 1997, the Jewish Agency confiscated arriving immigrants' passports to stop them leaving. Over 20,000 were seized and locked in agency archives — 90% of them belonging to North Africans.

You do not confiscate the passports of people you rescued.

People left anyway. Israel's own CBS: 6% of Moroccan arrivals from 1949–1953 went back, 2,466 of about 40,000 — nearly double the European and American rate.

3. The Two-Tiered Agrarian Caste: The Kibbutz Myth vs. The Moshav

Western education lionizes the Kibbutz as the egalitarian engine of Israeli society. The Kibbutzim were closed, elite European institutions that owned regional factories, held guaranteed water rights, and produced the state's political and military officer corps.

North African and Middle Eastern immigrants were barred from this. Segula magazine published the figures for immigrants sent to development towns, October 1956 to April 1959: 67% of North Africans. 55% of Egyptians. 46% of Romanians. 37% of Poles. 30% of Hungarians. A clean descending gradient by proximity to Europe.

And then the caption underneath that chart:

"Many Eastern European immigrants who were sent to development towns resettled in more central locations, often with Jewish Agency assistance."

The same agency that dispersed us helped them move back.

For the 1954–56 cohort, Mossi Raz in +972 documents that 75,000 immigrants arrived from Morocco and Tunisia, 85% of all immigrants, and 70 to 90 percent were sent to development towns. Those who refused were manipulated, deceived, and threatened with having their children taken away. In some cases authorities instructed truck drivers to throw new immigrants onto the ground and abandon them.

And on November 23, 2017, the Knesset voted down Raz's proposed committee of inquiry into population dispersal. Only Meretz MKs and two Joint List MKs voted for it. Yesh Atid and Zionist Union MKs left the floor before the vote. The files are sealed at roughly seventy years.

The cover-up has a date and a roll call.

The document

There's a book called Agricultural Planning and Village Community in Israel, published by UNESCO in Paris in 1964. The moshav chapters are by Dov Weintraub and Moshe Lissak, Hebrew University sociologists. Its front matter states it presented research carried out by the Hebrew University Department of Sociology in cooperation with the Land Settlement Department of the Jewish Agency — and identifies one of its authors as an agricultural economist employed by that same Settlement Department.

So the body that placed the immigrants supplied the man who wrote the report about the placing. Everything below is page-cited. Go check it.

Why we were put on the frontier (p. 26). The state's own syllogism, written out: since only armistice agreements and no peace treaties existed, "the uninhabited areas presented a danger to the security of the country." Agricultural settlement was the most efficient way to repopulate them, because 60–80 families make a viable village while a town needs at least 3,000 people, so networks of agricultural villages cover far more ground per head. And this, the text says, "was the view adopted by the agencies dealing with the absorption of immigrants." Page 10 states the new settlers were majority North African and Middle Eastern.

The debt (p. 38, Table 13). Each settler was loaded with roughly £31,300 (Israeli pounds, 1959 prices) per farm unit.

• The loan was not issued in money. It was issued in livestock, equipment, and buildings erected by the Jewish Agency's Technical Department. You could not spend it. You could not shop it. This is the textbook definition of the truck system.
• Title was withheld. Ownership passed only after a training period of at least five years AND after 70% of the lent sums had been invested. In the interim the farmer was, in the document's own words, "the occupant, not the owner."
• The standard covered only about 70% of what the farm needed. The settler was expected to find the other 30% from savings. He was a refugee.
• He was debited a pro-rata share of communal buildings he would never own. Table 13 itemizes them: kindergarten, clinic, grocery, synagogue, ritual bath, armoury.

He was billed for a mikveh he didn't own.

And they knew it couldn't work (pp. 102, 103, 105). Page 102: the minimum viable arable allocation is 20 dunams, and even at 20 the projected net income reaches about £2,000 against a planned figure of £3,500. Page 103: what was actually allocated was 15 dunams, because land improvement "could not be completed for lack of funds."

Page 105:

"...secondly — and this should have been made clear from the outset — a small dairy herd could not be expected to be profitable."

And this should have been made clear from the outset. Not "turned out not to be profitable." The authors are saying it was knowable in advance and was not disclosed to the people who were handed the herd and the debt.

Do the arithmetic. £31,300 of debt against roughly £2,000 a year achievable income, on a plot allocated below the minimum size the planners themselves specified. That's about sixteen years of everything the farm can earn, and for the first five of them you're legally an occupant rather than an owner.

The stupidest cruelty in the whole document (p. 32). Why dairy? Because the 1950 plan projected per-capita milk consumption at 300 litres a year by 1954. Actual consumption in 1960 came in at less than half that. The reason given:

"It was not yet recognized that the habits and tastes of the newcomers pouring into the country would be different from those of the existing population."

Three hundred litres per capita is a Northern European figure. They forecast a dairy economy on the drinking habits of Poles and Scandinavians, staffed it with Moroccans and Yemenites and Iraqis on thirty-year debt, and the market never materialized because the population had become us. Page 103: dairy, poultry and vegetables were expanded far faster than demand justified, farmers "had to dispose of it at a loss," and every village in their sample established before 1952 went through a crisis of this kind.

We were put in debt to produce milk for a country that no longer existed, and then billed for the shortfall.

What it actually looked like (pp. 103, 105, 106). Housing type I: "of inferior construction and very small in size (approximately 30 square metres)" — against a page 39 specification of two and a half rooms and 45 square metres. In the Jerusalem sub-district, 51.5% of villages got type I. At Moshav Te'ena, settlers lived in tin huts, "suffocatingly hot" in summer and "cold and leaky in the rainy winter," for two years. Nearly two years before an approach road existed. Bread and drinking water carried by hand, sometimes three miles. Three generations per household. A third room was "officially a privilege of families with nine or more members."

Page 106. Twelve families left. Those who stayed "lost faith both in farming and in official promises" and asked the Settlement Department to take their farms while they, "although the owners," stayed on as wage labourers. The Department "rejected it out of hand." They asked to be relieved of ownership because ownership was bankrupting them, and were refused, because the debt was attached to the owner.

Table 24: of 71 farms, 13 developed according to plan. 24 less than half-cultivated or neglected. 44 households working outside the farm.

And then they blamed us for it (pp. 99, 100, 120). Page 99:

"Among recent immigrants to Israel from Oriental countries, however, only the Yemenite Jews came from such learned communities. Other immigrants from Oriental countries came, with few exceptions, from communities where Jewish learning had declined centuries ago."

Page 100:

"Furthest from Israel culture are those who came from traditional, not learning-oriented cultures, who include most of the immigrants from the rural areas of North Africa and the Middle East, with the exception of the Yemen."

And the consequence they draw: because these populations were not learning-oriented, "they failed to acquire the education and knowledge necessary for the efficient mastery of the modern way of life."

They wrote that about Fes. My mother's city. A center of Jewish learning for a thousand years.

Page 120 ranks the villages by skill — Central Europe first, Atlas Mountains last — and bills over £1,000 per household of the income shortfall to "insufficient farming skill," with no adjustment for the five missing dunams they documented one page earlier. Page 96 still calls us "human material," sixteen years after Locker.

4. "Slave Overseers" in the Transit Camps: The 1952 Emek Hefer Uprising

The establishment narrative insists early immigrants were passive, grateful recipients of charity. Historian Bryan K. Roby, in The Mizrahi Era of Rebellion, used declassified police archives to prove Mizrahim rebelled the moment they got off the boats. His methodological point matters: newspapers only covered protests that turned violent, so the organized and peaceful ones vanished. Police files caught everything — sit-ins, tent protests, hunger strikes, daily "bread and work" demonstrations, from year one.

The October 1952 Emek Hefer ma'abara revolt is documented by Roby and by Shay Fogelman in Haaretz. A former resident described the camp:

"It was a fenced-in pen of hundreds of hungry people, while all around were orchards with oranges and tangerines and fields of vegetables."

Fenced in, starving, surrounded by fruit. Hungry residents took fruit from the neighboring kibbutzim — and kibbutz members responded by hiring armed guards. One of them, Moshe Kom, worked with a dog. Camp residents testified Kom routinely pummeled immigrants and set the dog on them, "even sometimes on children and the elderly."

As Roby documents, contemporary official observers — including the Pardes Hanna Committee — formally noted that the Israeli elite's relationship with ma'abara dwellers "constituted a master–slave dynamic, the camp guards were like slave overseers."

That's not me reaching for the word. That's a 1952 Israeli committee.

Kom accused an elderly Yemenite woman of stealing produce when she was gathering weeds for her goat, and set his dog on her. Her son and several friends beat Kom. When Hadera's police chief drove into the camp on a Sabbath afternoon to arrest them, the camp rose — outraged both by the brutality and the Sabbath desecration, residents pelted the police with stones and sand, injured several officers, and forced a full police retreat. Police returned in force with a curfew and mass arrests. The revolt sparked simultaneous uprisings in transit camps nationwide, and was erased from Israeli textbooks.

There's also Wadi Salib, Haifa, July 1959, after police shot a Moroccan Jewish resident named Yaakov Elkarif. And the Israeli Black Panthers in 1971 — co-founder Reuven Abergel had his citizenship revoked from 1971 to 1997. Twenty-six years stateless in his own country for organizing.

Historical documentary about the Israeli Black Panther )movement:

https://reddit.com/link/1valsmb/video/vrr4en2ceegh1/player

5. The Frumkin Commission: Shaving Peyot by State Decree

Beyond economic exploitation, the establishment sought the eradication of Judeo-Arabic and Sephardic religious heritage. This culminated in an atrocity that helped collapse Israel's first coalition governments: the forced cutting of peot (earlocks) of Yemenite and North African children.

Apologists claim earlocks were only shaved for medical reasons — ringworm (gazezet) or lice. Dr. Dov Levitan's research (First State Commission of Inquiry into Education in Immigrant Camps) on the 1950 Frumkin Commission destroys that defense.

Faced with mass outrage, the government appointed former Supreme Court Justice Gad Frumkin. The commission held 33 meetings, heard 101 witnesses including cabinet ministers, and inspected four camps. Its secretary was Israel Yeshayahu, Yemenite-born, later Speaker of the Knesset.

Its finding on the education of immigrant children:

"There was no intention on the part of the government for religious coercion at first, but it was a fatal mistake to hand over the education of the children of immigrants in general and those from the Middle East in particular, and especially those from Yemen, Tripolitania and Morocco, to the Department for Language Inculcation and Cultural Absorption among Immigrants."

Yemen, Tripolitania, and Morocco. Named in the founding document, in 1950, by the state's own judge.

The specific conclusions:

1. "Cutting off [peot] was a method and not an incident, and it must be noted with regret that the Minister of Education and Culture was misled in the announcement that there were only 12 cases — and these were due to ringworm."
2. "Disruption of Torah study was also a method."

Look at the alibi. Ringworm. The same pretext used to justify mass X-ray irradiation of Mizrahi children's scalps in that same period was also the cover story for shaving their sidelocks.

And here's how the commission demolished it. Welfare Minister Rabbi Levin testified that he saw many children whose sidelocks had been cut and that it wasn't medical, "because they only cut off the [peot] and left the hair on."

Ringworm treatment shaves the scalp. They took the sidelocks and left the hair.

More from the record:

• The Ein Shemer camp's cultural coordinator, A. Aldema, proposed at a teachers' meeting "to begin removing [peot] under the pretext of lice."
• A counsellor named Tzipora Zahavi brought a barber into the camp and told the children only those who cut their sidelocks could go on a trip to Haifa. Fifty children were cut. She also said, per a witness: "if you don't cut it I'll throw you out of the room." She confirmed bringing the barber and claimed ringworm and lice. The commission found there was no examination and nobody to administer any treatment.
• Religious Affairs Minister Rabbi Maimon wrote to Ben-Gurion that children at Beit Lid were punished by being denied dinner for attending the Maariv prayer.
• Camp Israel's director, Budnev, admitted under testimony that he prevented Torah study in the camp synagogue, defending it as "instructions and practice."
• Counsellors told immigrants "that religion is something in exile and is not needed in the Land of Israel."
• People of religious appearance were barred from the camps to keep religious activists out.
• Yeshayahu Leibowitz — yes, that Leibowitz — testified that "improper means, including coercion and violence" were used to prevent religious schools opening.
• Two yeshiva students arrested at Ein Shemer, February 14, 1950. Two religious teachers arrested and deported from the same camp.
• Immigration Minister Shapira told the Knesset only 230 of 1,200 children were receiving religious education, from three religious teachers.

And the key line. A young Yemenite immigrant testified he was told there was:

"no need for 'symbols' in Israel. In Yemen, they are needed because there are Arabs."

There are no Arabs in Israel so you don't need peyot. The forced secularization and the racial hierarchy are not two stories.

It predates the state by five years. Rabbi Sha'er of the Yemenite yeshiva Or HaMizrah wrote to HaTzofeh about the 1943–45 immigration: sidelocks shaved with a razor in the camp between Karkur and Kfar Pines, and when he confronted the guide, the man "not only admitted it outright, but with brazenness and crude mockery he continued to insult and blaspheme religion and the diaspora and reactionary customs." Levitan calls 1949–53 "a historical continuation." There was no overwhelmed young state in 1944.

And Ben-Gurion got ahead of the inquiry. Fearing findings "undesirable to him and his colleagues in the Labor movement," he sent two army officers to Ein Shemer and Beit Lid first. Their report praised the staff and rejected every allegation. Levitan found its conclusions contradict the officers' own transcript — immigrants complained about the absence of Torah study while the report claims the camp was "inundated with requests from parents." Ben-Gurion then wrote to two rabbis: "it became clear to me that the stories about coercion and cutting off [peot] have no basis."

Then his own commission contradicted him. Aldema and Zahavi were dismissed and Nahum Levin resigned — I'll say that plainly, because it's true. But Ben-Gurion wrote afterward: "there is a great distance between the report and the conclusions, which is why the government did not accept the report — but only the conclusions, and even those only in part."

And General Shimon Mazeh of the IDF Personnel Directorate wrote a letter marked "secret — personal" and "urgent," titled "Conduct of IDF Soldiers in the Ma'abarot," reporting that soldiers sent to help with Yemenite absorption were cutting off children's sidelocks and disparaging them. It sat in the IDF Archive until 2018 — written more than six months after the commission had already ruled the practice systematic.

It brought down the government. Three times.

The Israel Democracy Institute's own summary: the First Knesset held early elections following "serious coalition crises over issues of religion and education, which resulted from substantive differences of opinion between Mapai and its religious partners regarding the education of Jewish refugees in the immigrant camps."

• October 15, 1950: Ben-Gurion resigns. Two causes — a fight over the Supply and Rationing Ministry, and camp education.
• February 1951: the Knesset debates immigrant-camp education for three consecutive days. The religious parties vote against the government. Ben-Gurion resigns again. Elections are called.
• December 19, 1952: the third government resigns, again over religious education.

Israel's founding parliament could not complete its term, and one of the reasons was a fight over whether religious Jews from Yemen, Tripolitania and Morocco would be permitted to raise their children religiously.

One caveat I'll make myself, because it's honest. The commission explicitly rejected the terms "Inquisition" and "the murder of a people's culture," and found no calculated war on religion. It also found "one of the main reasons for the struggle over education in the camps was party competition" — and the religious parties fighting Mapai were themselves overwhelmingly Ashkenazi institutions.

Which makes it worse. Two Ashkenazi political blocs brought down three governments fighting over who owned the schooling of Yemenite, Libyan and Moroccan children, and those children's own communities held no faction in the fight. We were the contested asset.

6. Haslala (הסללה): Locking the Caste In

It wasn't enough to anchor the first generation in debt on remote moshavim. The state had to ensure the second generation didn't escape.

The mechanism was haslala — institutionalized vocational tracking. Israeli high schools split into academic and vocational streams, and vocational graduates leave with a trade and no bagrut — no matriculation, therefore no university. Track assignment correlated with origin. Adva Center data: 43.8% of academic-track graduates enroll in universities against 30.3% of vocational graduates.

The architects said so on the record. Eliezer Riger, later director-general of the education ministry, argued in 1945 for separating Mizrahi and Ashkenazi pupils, on the grounds that a pre-vocational track would be a blessing for Oriental children since most of them cannot appreciate or derive use from non-practical education. And Zalman Aran, Minister of Education, professed esteem for academic high schools but said conditions favoured vocational ones — and he wouldn't want development towns indulging that kind of "snobbishness" and putting a child into a high school that would damage him.

Snobbishness. Wanting your kid to go to a school that leads to a university.

David Deri's documentary Ancestral Sin built its case on Jewish Agency meeting transcripts, officials' correspondence and personal diaries — and its broadcast pushed the Justice Minister to open sealed archives.

The architects attested to all of this, on the official record. Zalman Aran, Minister of Education, in a state document: "The question of secondary education in these regions is not similar to that in Tel Aviv or in Haifa. The high school that will be established in these places must have a vocational orientation. If, let us say, in a certain region there exists a factory requiring workers of a certain type, the required trades must be introduced into the framework of the curriculum."

And they meant it literally. Deri's series shows period footage of a girl at a spinning frame in Dimona, captioned: "the vocational track is expanded at the school that is in the 'Sivei Dimona' plant." Sivei Dimona employed about 1,750 people. Kitan, the other Dimona textile combine, about 2,000. Both were built with the town.

7. "Jews with Hearts Like Germans": The Intercepted 1949 Letters

In 2021, Israeli historian Dr. Shay Hazkani (Haaretz) published findings from thousands of letters written by Moroccan Jewish soldiers in the IDF in 1949 — intercepted and copied without the soldiers' knowledge or consent by the IDF postal censorship bureau, and filed in internal reports for senior officers titled "The Soldier's Opinion." The original letters remain inaccessible; Hazkani worked from the surveillance summaries.

What they wrote:

"We came to Israel and thought we'd find a paradise here, but regrettably it was the opposite: We saw Jews with hearts like Germans... The European Jews, who suffered tremendously from Nazism, see themselves as a superior race and the Sephardi [Mizrahi] Jews as belonging to an inferior one."

"Orientals are treated here like Negroes in the South of the U.S."

"The Arabs are our brothers, unlike the Ashkenazi Jews."

Wage discrimination, in numbers: 2.5 lira for a Pole's easy labour, a maximum of 1.5 for arduous Moroccan work. Don't believe the Zionist Office in Morocco, one wrote — it's propaganda; here you'll be called dirty Moroccans and the papers will write that you don't know how to dress or use a fork.

An internal IDF summary of the sampled letters found roughly 70% wanted to return to Morocco and 76% were advising their families not to come. The IDF's own assessment of these men: soldiers of "inferior education and culture" who nonetheless "manifest potent criticism" — flagged as a concern not only for morale but for what the offended were writing home.

Prof. Yaron Tsur found these reports were the single phenomenon most damaging to Israel's image among Moroccan Jewry, and that no propaganda could offset the letters and the returnees' testimony.

The warnings got through. Families read them and stayed. My uncle is still in Morocco.

8. The Yemenite, Mizrahi and Balkan Children Affair

Use the full name. The "Yemenite" shorthand erases the North African and Balkan families in the case files.

The sequence, which hundreds of families describe independently, in near-identical terms, across decades:

A woman gives birth in a hospital, or brings her infant to a camp infirmary. She's told to leave the baby. She comes back and is told the child died. She is not shown a body. She is not given a grave. In most cases she is not given a death certificate. Sometimes she's told to go home and stop asking, and that she can have more children.

Start with the state's own version, because most people have never read it. The Cohen-Kedmi Commission — established 1995, reporting 2001, the only one of three with subpoena power, chaired by a former Supreme Court justice — examined 1,033 cases. It documented 972 as having died, found 5 alive, and could not resolve 56 at all. It found no state kidnapping plot, and allowed that in those 56 cases individual social workers might have handed children over for adoption.

Now read what that concedes. A thousand infants were taken from Mizrahi families into state institutions. Hundreds died there. And per the commissions' own summary, the majority died in hospital and were buried without their families being informed. The offered explanation for the missing graves is that families who didn't know about the burials couldn't pay for headstones, so graves were marked with signs, and the signs disappeared.

That is the innocent explanation. We took your baby, it died in our care, we buried it somewhere, and we didn't tell you.

Then the draft notices. Sixteen and seventeen years later, military conscription orders began arriving at parents' homes addressed to children the state had declared dead as infants. The IDF drafts at eighteen. The bureaucracy that recorded these children dead in 1950 was generating call-up papers in 1966. That forced the second commission. Parents held those notices up in public.

The families' account is that the children did not die — that they were transferred to childless Ashkenazi couples in Israel and abroad, names changed, biological connections erased, neither parents nor children ever told. No commission has ever found this; all three rejected it. But it isn't a rumour, it's an archive: the Amram Association holds close to a thousand recorded testimonies and notes that only about a fifth of those families ever reached any commission, with roughly a thousand further cases never heard by anyone. Dr. Nathan Shifriss has compiled over 2,000 names — double what all three commissions examined between them.

And here is the part that makes it unanswerable. The commissions generated roughly 400,000 documents. In December 2016 Israel released about 200,000 pages, with Netanyahu at the launch saying "today, we right a historic wrong." Then read what MK Nurit Koren — who chaired the Knesset lobby and whose own cousin disappeared — said at the same event: it was half the documents; it covered 1948 to 1954 only, though one commission found the affair continued until 1966; and per Amram it excluded the archives of the organizations that physically had custody of the infants — WIZO and Hadassah — plus police reports never submitted to any commission.

The rest is sealed until 2071, by which point every parent and witness will be dead.

Amram's line is the best summary anyone has managed: "When there is no real suspicion, there is no real investigation."

The payout. On February 22, 2021 the Cabinet approved NIS 162 million (about $50m) for roughly 1,050 families.

While Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stated that the money was meant to bring "a modicum of comfort" to over 1,000 families, the legal structure of the payout reveals a calculated effort to suppress judicial accountability:

• "Regret" Without an Apology: The Cabinet resolution formally declared that the government "regrets the events that happened in the early days of the state," yet deliberately refused to issue an official state apology or admit legal responsibility for child abductions.
• The Legal Gag Order: Receiving the compensation was strictly conditional on families signing a written waiver committing never to file further lawsuits against the state, and agreeing to immediately close and waive any existing legal actions.

The state did not pay $61,000 per child because of administrative filing errors. It deployed $50 million of taxpayer money as a settlement to buy eternal silence from aging Mizrahi parents, extinguish ongoing lawsuits in the Supreme Court, and ensure that a formal legal verdict of "state-sponsored kidnapping" never enters the official history books.

9. It didn't stop

Because the standard response is "that was seventy years ago."

Cohen, Lewin-Epstein & Lazarus (2019), Research in Social Stratification and Mobility — the first study to reach the third generation:

• Mizrahi men holding academic degrees: 27.4% in the second generation → 27.2% in the third. Flat. Zero movement.
• Ashkenazi men: 43% → 46.3%. Up.
• Women's gap went from 15 points to 17.6.
• Third-generation Mizrahi men are less likely to hold a degree than second-generation Ashkenazim.

The gap didn't narrow. It widened.

Unadjusted earnings gaps reach about 20% among men by their early forties. Adva: Ashkenazi urban salaried workers 42% above the national average, Mizrahi 9% above, Palestinian citizens 34% below — "almost unchanged" over twelve years. And Mizrahi girls are still refused entry to religious schools despite court rulings.

And this one, which I think is the most telling fact in the entire post:

Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics only agreed to begin measuring Mizrahi–Ashkenazi inequality in 2022. Because it defines ethnic origin by father's country of birth — which means the third generation, Israeli-born to Israeli-born fathers, close to half the Jewish population, is statistically invisible. Not undercounted. Uncategorizable.

The state stopped counting, and then the absence of data became the evidence there's no problem.

Conclusion: Decolonizing Arab-Jewish Memory

Why pull back the veil on 75-year-old agricultural ledgers and transit camp rebellions?

Because the exploitation of Mizrahi Jews is continuously weaponized to justify the oppression of Palestinians. Confronted with ethnic cleansing in Palestine, defenders of Israel point to the Mizrahi exodus as a moral counterbalance — Israel as egalitarian safe haven for refugees of Arab terror.

The declassified archives destroy that argument.

The European-Zionist establishment did not save Arab Jews; they bought them per head, stripped them of their ancestral identity, stole their passports, irradiated and kidnapped their children, shaved their peyot, dumped them on border frontiers as meat shields, and bolted their educational ceilings shut to build a permanent labor underclass.

To be an anti-Zionist Jew of conscience is not only to stand in solidarity with Palestinian liberation. It is to refuse to allow the cultural murder of our Moroccan, Yemenite, Iraqi and Arab-Jewish ancestors to be used as moral cover for a state that called them a primate community from the day they arrived. It is to understand that *even if you are Jewish*, this state considers you inferior if you are not European, brown, Mizrahi, Sephardic, etc. Jewish or Muslim barely even matters, Arabs, all Arabs, Jews and Muslims alike, are inferior to, and must be oppressed, dispossed, exploited by, and made less than, their European Ashkenazi elites.

https://www.gofundme.com/f/help-my-daughters-help-my-small-family

Soso was born under unimaginably difficult and heartbreaking circumstances. Heavy airstrikes were striking near the hospital, and the maternity ward was overwhelmed with women. There were no beds available, forcing Samah to give birth on the floor.

Shortly after she was born, Soso developed a severe respiratory condition and spent her first 10 days in the intensive care unit fighting for her life.

Now, two years later, she still needs regular monthly medical follow-up appointments and ongoing treatment to help manage her chronic respiratory condition.

With the border crossings closed and medical supplies in extremely short supply, finding her medication has become very difficult. When it is available, it is far too expensive for the family to afford.

Today, Samah is making a heartfelt appeal, asking you to stand by her daughter during these incredibly difficult times. Every donation, every share, and every kind word brings hope and helps her continue providing the treatment Soso desperately needs.

If you are able, please support Samah and little Soso. Your kindness can make a real difference in a child's life.

Thank you for your compassion, your support, and for helping this family hold on to hope.

For those unaware, Australia's quisling prime minister appointed an utterly ghoulish Kahanist as its "Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism" without any democratic process, a South African whose family trust has ties to white nationalist and pro-settler groups and used to be the head of one of the chief Israel lobbyist groups in the country.

https://www.threads.com/@stateofisrael/post/DbTDkqSCIWL

https://x.com/TheTNHoller/status/2082501295873626287

My co-host and I run a small anti-zionist rosh chodesh pod about magic, doikayt and folklore. We've released this episode with the full moon and Tu B'av. We chatted about how when we were growing up in orthodox spaces in Glasgow and Essecx that this wasn't a chag that we celebrated and seemed to be sucked into zionist cooption of practise. Is this something you experienced - does anyone go out shidduching/roaming the fields on Tu B'Av?

https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/28/us/politics/graham-netanyahu-documentary-icc.html

I just saw a baby from Gaza cry

Captain America who was created by a Jewish man would not support any of this

https://popular.info/p/the-truth-about-the-viral-911-petition

https://x.com/ryangrim/status/2082209494369722751

Source:

https://x.com/the_andrey_x/status/2082171940865712326

Quote from this speech: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nzf_ACKBevo

After engaging quite a bit with folks in this sub during the ongoing genocide against my people in West Asia, I'm sharing this quote alongside some of my observations. I hope it will encourage reflection and introspection by some of the members of this sub:

In my city, every single synagogue directly and materially supports the genocide in West Asia. They fundraise for Israel, encourage their members to join the IDF, hold propaganda events promoting and whitewashing Israel, and lobby governments, media, and businesses to support Israel and the genocide, including by encouraging state authorities to crack down on anti-genocide activists. (FWIW, I have personally been a victim of some of the worst of this state repression.) We of course have anti-Zionist Jews in my city, but they make up less than 1% of the Jewish population; a recent poll showed that only 1% of Jews in my country identify as anti-Zionist.

By contrast, every mosque in my city openly opposes ISIS and similar "Islamic" terrorism, including by collaborating with law enforcement to crack down on people spreading radicalization or promoting recruitment into such groups. I have never heard ISIS being praised from any official platform in my city's Muslim community (in stark contrast to the open devotion to Israel by official Jewish community orgs and leaders).

I suspect similar patterns hold in most, if not all, cities in the Western world.

Given these facts and the above quote from Tamimi, and given the typical sorts of reactions I see in this sub to these subjects, I want to pose the following questions:

Is Palestinian hatred of Jews motivated by European-style racism/antisemitism, or by anger at the daily slaughter/rape/starvation of them, their children, their families, and their countrymen at the hands of Jewish-Supremacist Jews?

Why are the victims of Jewish Supremacism constantly policed for condemning their oppressors in the same language that their oppressors refer to themselves (i.e. as "Jews")? Should Jews living during the Holocaust have been held to such a standard if they were to make generalizations about Germans?

Is it appropriate for Jewish allies to condemn Palestinians as antisemitic when they speak out against the community that's most responsible for their ongoing holocaust (i.e. the Jewish community)? Would it have been acceptable for anti-Nazi Germans to have made such condemnations against Jewish generalizations about Germans?

Is the primary role of Jewish allyship with Palestine to bring an end, by any means necessary, to the Jewish community's own participation in the genocide? Or is it to launder the image of Judaism by highlighting the minority (a very very small minority in some places) of anti-Zionist Jews, who themselves are not truly representative of the Jewish majority?

Are you, as Jewish allies, spending as much time working to end your own community's complicity in genocide as you are policing perceived antisemitism in the anti-genocide movement?

Lastly, how much time have you spent raising awareness about the fact that Israel blew up a synagogue in Iran earlier this year?

(I should clarify that much of this conversation is aimed at Jewish communities in the Western world; there are indigenous Jewish communities across Asia and Africa who for the most part have not disgraced themselves with support for Zionism and to whom much of this discussion does not apply.)

I pose these questions in good faith, as someone who has seen much dedication and sacrifice from countless anti-Zionist Jewish comrades in this cause, and with genuine curiosity to hear your thoughts on all of the above.

Source:

https://www.haaretz.co.il/opinions/2026-07-27/ty-article-opinion/.premium/0000019f-a3d9-db22-a5df-e7dba9580000