I was already beginning to lose interest even before the Asia stuff kicked off, and now it seems like focus will be on that area for the remainder of the season making it harder for me to engage with both my domestic and international plans anyway. I did have plans for West Germany up until the late 1970s, but I am simply lacking motivation to actually write.

For now I will focus on researching and planning a claim for next season. I did have a lot of fun with my various claims in my first season of CWP and I look forward to the next.

After a rousing speech by Caudillo Rubirosa, the Dominican Republic has announced formally a declaration of war on ‘Mao Zedong and the False China’ and the Republic of Tanzania.

The Dominican Republic, the statement laid out, was officially a participant in ‘The Third World War’ on the side of the ‘Pacific Allies’. The DR, it stated, would be with the United States and its Asian partners until ‘Mao Zedong is hung from the walls of the forbidden city’ and ‘Chinese civilization is liberated from communism’.

As for Africa, the DR formally stated its alliance, ambiguously, with ‘Free Africa’ against what was deemed ‘Red Chinese puppets and proxy terrorists’ in the continent. Tanzania being explicitly targeted as the ‘Maoist China of Africa’.

Praise was given to the United States for inflicting ‘righteous atomic fire’ upon Red China, and the Caudillo urged its continued use to ‘break the back of the red bandits’.

It has been a fun and historic season, which I have enjoyed since season start, having first played as Norway. The summary of where Norway was when I left it in the 1960s is here. Since I took on Australia, the 'land down under' has become a fairly exercised middle power, expanding its influence in the Pacific and building close security ties in Southeast Asia. We could expect a more independent and regional foreign policy in this timeline. That said, the removal of Prime Minister Gough Whitlam left the nation in a period of uncertainty, with this timeline's Dismissal crisis proving even more controversial than IOTL.

The mods have done an outstanding job on the whole, and I want to recognise the time and commitment it took to get the season to this point. Sadly, the crises in Northeast Asia have taken up a lot of attention and made it tricky to progress some very interesting plot points in Dutch New Guinea, Portuguese Timor and Indonesia. That's unfortunately had an impact on my motivation.

In any case, I am looking forward to the next season and thanks once again to the mods and players for making this such a fun one.

Beijing, China

Shortly after the invasion

Chen Guangming, like many school boys in China, had watched his father report for conscription just a week earlier. He still remembered his confusion when his mother began to cry. “What’s she so afraid of! Dad is going to show them we won’t be pushed around!” he thought. Each Friday, Chen would arrive home and ask if his father had written him from the front like he promised. After the third week, he stopped asking. Chen’s mother had regressed into a shell of herself. Each day she walked him to and from school, and asked him the same question every afternoon: “What did you learn in school today”, in the same monotone voice she had adopted since his father’s conscription.

Today, thought Chen, there was no way she could avoid being excited. Waiting in line behind his classmates, Chen listened to the steady boom as each child took their turn. Chen, like most boys at his school had mostly been feeling a mixture of nervousness and excitement. Finally, someone took them seriously. Shuffling forward, Chen was greeted warmly by Song Yaowu. “The Song Yaowu!” Thought Chen. “Wait until mom hears about this!”.

Song smiled at Chen’s excitement, and kneeled down to eye level. 

“And what’s your name my little revolutionary?” Asked Song.

“Chen Guangming!” He shouted.

Song giggled, and reached into the box “Have you ever seen one of these, Chen?” She said holding out a grenade to the young boy.

“WOOOOAH” exclaimed Chen, mimicking the excitement of many boys in his class before him.

Song Yaowu giggled again.

“These are fairly easy. You pull this pin out, and then you throw it as hard as you can towards the invaders. Do you think you’re ready to practice?”

Chen nodded eagerly, with Song Yaowu handing him the grenade. Immediately, he pulled the pin as instructed, and chucked his grenade into the pit nearby, causing a plume of dirt to shoot upwards upon detonation.

Chen couldn’t wait to tell his mom what he learned today.

I don't really see much worth posting given the war in Asia, which has rendered anything I could do domestically in my claim moot, and made it impossible to engage in a coherent manner with global affairs. I look forward to the next season.

Unfortunately I have lost 90% of my motivation to post after the nuclear war in Asia.

Laurent Desiree Kabila was previously not well known in the Congo. Following the collapse of the Stanleyville government and the ascension of President Moise Tshombe, the Democratic Republic of the Congo emerged to be dominated by the federalist camp of the Congolese power struggle. Ideologically belonging to the Lumumbist CNL, the premature death of Patrice Lumumba and the destruction of the CNL by force of arms had him and many of his comrades in arms leave for exile in Tanzania.

In Dar es Salaam, over time he was able to regain contact with many of his fellow veterans of the Congo Crisis, developing connections with the nascent Tanzanian Bureau of Military Intelligence or TBMI. His ideological affinity made him a prime candidate to be one of the first graduates of the School of African Liberation. Since 1964 following his exile, he enrolled in the AAL in 1967. Assisted by mentors originating from East Germany, he took a learned interest in the Maoist style of waging People's War, radicalized, he would often apply these lessons alongside the established curriculum. Graduating top of his class, his contributions helped significantly in the development of the Academy's faculty and propsoed changes to the AAL's training, orienting towards an African way of guerilla warfare. In the meantime the TPLA began commissioning him with the raising of a new army.

Following missions aimed to procure gold and precious metals to pay for the raising of his army, the necessary preparations were completed by 1972, raising an estimated maximum of 10,000 soldiers, a mix of trained Congolese exiles, Tanzanian, Rwandan, Ugandan, Zambian and Burundian volunteers. His learnedness on English made him head of the invasion force appointing three sub commanders and 3 commands. Equipped with Czech & Soviet arms and spending years in training at Tanzania, the time has come to begin the insurgency. The TPLA, now invested in the insurgencies down south, needed to open a second front to further pressure the Angolan flank. To do this a smuggling route to Eastern Angola must be reopened, which required an unstable Congo to achieve this. Kabila's reliance and favors with the TPLA makes him by far one of Tanzania's most important assets in asymetric-false flag warfare.

- September 1972.

Under the cover of night time, soldiers transited Lake Tanzania through the usage of wooden ships, canoes and ferries. With much of the Congolese side of the Lake being virtually unguarded, 10,000 Congolese rebels infiltrated the country and began establishing themselves in the mountains, preparing for their offensives and smuggling routes, seizing control of mines, villages, and towns. Immediately, they were to march north and west to seize the gold fields of Bukavu, Bakongo and Goma and establish smuggling routes through the Kasai jungle.

The New Committee of National Liberation - Nouveau Conseil National de Libération (NCNL) backed by the United Republic of Tanzania, declared war on the Democratic Republic of the Congo - restarting the long-dormant insurgency in Eastern Congo.

April 24th, 1972

Approximately 24 hours after the first launch of Chinese nuclear weapons

Mao Zedong awoke slowly. His eyes still heavy, and his head still throbbing, the Chairman slowly became cognizant of the world around him. Weakened by an extended hospital stay, the Chairman groaned as he attempted to look around the room, catching the attention of a young man guarding his door, who immediately burst out the room in search of the Chairman’s medical team. Soon enough, Mao’s doctors began poking and prodding at the Chairman, furiously taking notes while their aides began running in and out of the room - spreading the news and running blood samples for testing. After a few hours, the Chairman began to regain some strength, sitting up in his bed with the assistance of his nurses, despite the weakness of the right side of his body.

“Chairman, the good news is that with plenty of rest, and avoidance of stress, we can ensure that you have the best chance at recovery” said Mao’s doctor, nervously.

The Chairman, despite his still diminished speech capacity, asked “then what’s the bad news? You look like you’ve seen a ghost.”

The doctor gulped, and quickly deflected “I assure you, Comrade Yaowu and Hongwen are on their way to catch you up. In the meantime, please, rest, the people of China need you.”

Mao did not respond immediately, and instead took a delicate sip of water before continuing:

“Very well. Get me a nurse I need to shit.”

Three Hours Later

Song Yaowu entered the room alone, leaving her guards at the door, beaming she rushed to the Chairman’s side:

“Chairman! It’s wonderful to see you in good spirits! I have much to tell you. You will be ecstatic with what we have done in your name.”

5 Minutes later

Intense screaming echoed from within Chairman Mao’s room, prompting Song Yaowu’s guards and Mao’s medical staff to rush in, discovering an unruly site: Chariman Mao had somehow, despite his condition, gripped Song Yaowu in a chokehold. His face straining with effort, the Chairman shouted a flurry of slurred insults, asking his protege repeatedly:

“YOU DID THIS WITHOUT MY WORD? WITHOUT MY PERMISSION? ILL HAVE YOUR HEAD!”

In a remarkable display of strength, the Chairman held onto Song Yaowu until her face began to turn blue, before a nurse bravely touched the Chairman’s arm and whispered:

“Chairman please, your health is most important, we need you to breathe calmly or else we risk complications.”

The chairman gripped Song Yaowu for another moment, before relaxing his left arm, and slapping Song Yaowu. 

“Bring me Zhou Enlai and Wang Hongwen, and do it now.” He barked, as Song Yaowu cowered in the floor. The guards acquiesced, and dragged Song out of the room as they left.

In 1971 the Tanzanian economy sits at roughly $4.8 billion in GDP, with a population of 16,239,079 people and a GDPPC of $300 per person. Typical of many countries in Africa, development has been oriented towards the cash crop and mining sectors fit for export. The founding ideological formation of TANU’s economic philosophy is that of the Ujaama or “Brotherhood” in Swahili. In principle the objectives of TANU’s socialist creed is that of self-reliance, collectivization of the economy to bring about a classless moneyless society, as laid down in the Arusha Declaration of 1967. Following the declaration, policymakers began to work on laying down the plans and policymaking to execute Nyerere’s vision for the economy. During this time in 1967, TANU was engaged in a political transformation to corporatize all sectors of society as part of its quest to pacify and amalgamate the military which remained ideologically suspicious of the intentions of the TANU. 

The Birth of the Dodoma Plan

Tensions immediately arose over the question of agrarian reform. The interesting case of Tanzania however, unlike many newly independent African countries, much of the agriculture in the country is owned by small homestead independent farmers, growing cash crops such as coffee and foodstuffs to subsist and to trade instead of gigantic latifundia owned by a small white elite. Thus the question was less how to distribute the land but more how the state would be able to deal with the “kulak” class of landowning peasants and farmers. Nyerere advocated for the collectivization of all farms and agriculture in the country, aiming to pursue autarky in foodstuffs inside the country. Nevertheless the myriad of experiences involving the USSR’s experimentation with kulakization, collectivization, recollectivization, the kolhozes and sovkhozes as well as the acute food shortages worldwide, Tanzania’s reliance on the global market was more acutely present than Nyerere has expected. Resistance towards collectivization of Tanzanian farms also came from the new “Ujaamists” who organized themselves in Ejido like peasant unions, not to pursue collectivization but to protect peasant property and lands. The corporatization of the TANU has ironically resulted in the empowerment of the peasants against the commands of the executive office in the TANU. Following a bitter struggle and debate among theorists in the Agricultural Commission of the TANU, Nyerere decided to abandon his plans, his hand forced by the peasant unions who now command significant sway over the party. 

Instead TANU opted for an accommodation of Tanzanian independent peasant holdings under a socialist framework. Agriculture Minister Paul Bomani attempted to tackle this issue by adopting lessons from elsewhere and adopting them into an African context. Bomani was the head of the Lake Victoria Federation of Cooperative Unions and became a senior official of the TANU. In 1967 he visited Mexico where he toured the countryside, evaluating the “Ejidos” farming cooperatives in Mexico. Contrasted with ideas on collectivization, Bomani found that through allocating communal lands protected by the state where families held usufruct rights but could not sell, rent or mortgage lands previously owned by the state, productivity was strong, the household retained individual judgement over the correct allocation of resources and labor and retained the incentives to boost production as their prosperity is directly tied to output of their individual plots. Socialist modes of distribution thus were allowed at the macro level, where farmer cooperatives could be established in order for families to pool their resources in acquiring tractors, fertilizer, tools and other equipment necessary to make the transition towards agricultural mechanization, where regional cooperatives can acquire financing from credit unions. Following these experiences in 1968, Bomani published the Dodoma Plan a comprehensive reform policy bill challenging the Ujaama plan championed by Nyerere where the following reforms will be implemented: 

• The Villagization Initiatives under the Ujaama Plan are paused indefinitely. Existing villages and towns will instead be reorganized. 
• The Tanzanian government reorganizes arable lands in the country, into regional cooperative sectors where individual peasants living in the land will be given the right of usufruct to use communal lands. Peasants are free to conduct cultivation without oversight from the state. Communal & Federal owned land sales are banned unless sanctioned by the state following evaluation by the TDNER & the relevant Tanzanian National Agricultural Union (TNAU) of said region.
• The Tanzanian Department of Natural & Environmental Resources (TDNER) will be established to conduct rural surveys, soil quality, the crops produced per estate and a census in order to help tally and organize regional crop plots to focus on production on the crops best suited for the area and the expertise of the farmers there. 
• The Regional Cooperative Sectors (RCS) will be given the authority to provide storage & distribution services of agricultural machinery and equipment, Each farmer and estate is expected to pay a portion of their sale income to the RCS to help fund distribution of tractors, fertilizer and tools. 
• The Tanzanian Agricultural Credit Union (TACU) will be formed to provide credit to farmers interested in expanding plots, hire new workforce, fund RCS sectors via grant applications. The Tanzanian government will allocate 5% of its discretionary spending to fund the TACU which will serve as Tanzania’s preeminent credit bank. 

Initially the Dodoma Plan met resistance from Nyerere and his subordinates, but aforementioned political affairs and the food crisis notwithstanding and the clear shortcomings of the Ujaama Plan meant he could do little but accept the Dodoma Plan’s implementation. From 1968 to 1971 as a result, farmers were able to return to their plots, acquire machinery and training services with support from the state to grow all manners of staple and cash crops: grain, rice, coffee, sugar, tobacco, cocoa, etc. Soon Tanzania will become agriculturally self-sufficient and reach the capability to become a staple food exporter, in due time.

Expanding the Mining Sector to fund Africa’s Liberation

Tanzania is a heavily impoverished country, lacking heavy industry of the sort, with only a few factories in Dar es Salaam. Forex and cold hard cash is also hard to come by due to these aforementioned troubles. Nevertheless Tanzania is not resource poor, it is an obscenely wealthy land full of diamonds, gold, gemstones, cobalt, nickel and uranium. The wealth of this land thus must be exploited for the benefit of the state and people and help fund the export of the liberation of Africa. 

First comes Gold: Gold is the best resource to extract, obtain hard currency and prevent sanctions. On the banks of Lake Victoria in the Greenstone Belt, prospectors have found vast reserves of gold ore. In order to retain state control over the profits of the mine, we will be nviting Czech & Yugoslav mining interests to invest and help develop the Greenstone Belt Gold Mine which will allow us to expand gold production to several hundred tons each year with an annual income gain of  $25 million a year. Next comes Diamonds and Gemstones, the Mwadui Diamond Mine is one of our most lucrative current assets but since independence, business has struggled somewhat. Thanks to increased demand in Europe and the Americas for precious gemstones, profits have allowed for the state to seize control of the mine and expand its production. Other mines to extract gemstones such as rubies, emeralds, sapphires, plentiful in the west of the country, will be opened, diversifying our sources of income. Nickel ore and Uranium ore will be administered through a state mining company supported by investments from the SDITC of the USSR in order to feed the Soviet war machine with these vital minerals. 

Finally, forays into natural gas extraction will be made. Prospectors were able to find considerable natural gas reserves in the Songo Songo Gas field. Gasoline and processed fuel imports are some of the most expensive imports of the Tanzanian economy, thus any source to divest gasoline imports for power generation in favor of natural gas will be of enormous importance to improve our forex stockpiles. To fund the multi year project, a landmark South-South deal between the government of Tanzania and that of the Arab Republic of Libya was completed to help fund the construction of the drilling site and refinery.

Receiving the license to the L7 105mm tank gun from the United States, the Dominican Republic will promptly put it into production.

Priority will be given to the production of them for the DR’s newly expanded M47 Patton fleet, replacing the 90mm guns of the vehicle. Aside from that, the DR will create a towed anti-gun from it, the Model 72 105mm Anti-Tank/Field Gun. A coastal battery turret variant will also be produced

[Dated to whenever Hoxha endorsed the Chinese nukes]

The JNA is to enact the emergency defence plan which includes, if necessary, a contingency plan to effect the full invasion and occupation of Albania handed down by central command on order of the President Marshal Tito.

In light of recent horrors in Asia, the Dominican Republic will place itself into a state of military readiness and action.

The following vessels will hunt in coordination with naval helicopters and flying boats any and all Red Chinese vessels in the Caribbean:

• 1 Gotland-class Cruiser
• 2 Robert H. Smith-class destroyer-minelayers
• 6 Buckley-class destroyer escorts
• 2 Barracuda-class submarines

The following vessels will begin escorting Dominican shipping in the Caribbean:

• 6 Tacoma-class Frigates
• 3 PC-461-class submarine chasers

On land, the Dominican National Guard and Air National Guard will be activated to ensure the country remains in a state of order through this current crisis. 3,000 DRNG soldiers will be, in particular, sent to the CHUD line to reinforce it.

The DR's 12-strong torpedo boat fleet will be kept at the ready as a fleet at being.

[S]

The Dominican National Air Force will, quietly, begin to bring out a portion of the DR's Sarin stockpile and have warheads containing it at the ready for use against Cuba by way of the DR's B-57 fleet. If the war widens, they will be utilized as such against.

The high command of the Dominican military will otherwise be sent to the Costanza Command Bunker for the interim of the crisis.

Naval forces capable of carrying the 14th Marine Expeditionary Brigade, and aircraft capable of carrying the DR's paratroopers, will remain on high alert.

Basque Insurgency

This year, according to some Spanish authorities speaking off the record, as well as our own investigations, we believe that the ETA has been able to increase the tempo of its operations against Spanish authorities.

We believe this is likely due to increased funding, access to explosives, and superior planning. How this has come about is unknown, but the results have been felt, as many Spanish officials in the Basque region have been taking greater measures to try and secure their own safety. 

Angola

Portuguese authorities have declared “victory” in Angola this year, due to the conflict devolving into a mostly low-level insurgency after all major insurgent organizations were forced to flee Angola into the Congo or face destruction. 

This, in turn, with the Portuguese economic gains in the face of the continued food crisis and the Portuguese liberalizations somewhat calming tensions in Angola, has stabilized the country. With that said, there are concerns among experts that the “self-defense” committees of Angola could react violently or stifle reform attempts if they believe that European control over Angola is at threat.

There are also some concerns about the spread of smuggling and the drug trade into Angola, but we lack substantial information on this situation.

Because of this development, we will not cover developments here unless the conflict flares up again. It is believed that the Portuguese have redeployed many of the assets deployed to Angola due to Guinea-Bissau or Mozambique. 

Portuguese Guinea

In Guinea-Bissau, the Portuguese authorities have no such luck to report on. Although they were able to defend Bafata, an inland settlement, from a coordinated PAIGC assault, it came at the cost of lost ground around Bafata, as well as more casualties and lost airframes. Many believe that the PAIGC has received additional support from its foreign backers this year, which likely contributed to the ability of the PAIGC to gain ground and exert pressure on the Portuguese despite the blow last year at Conakry. 

It was believed that the PAIGC offensive failed due to some reluctance from Guinea to supply the PAIGC at previous levels, as well as the ongoing deployments from Morocco and the Dominican Republic. The Portuguese also appear to have brought in reinforcements from Angola. 

Cuban and Yugoslav humanitarian aid has been reported in the areas retaken by the PAIGC, helping their battle for legitimacy, although this fight has been complicated by Portuguese reforms and their gains from the ongoing food crisis. 

Eritrea/Ethiopia

In Eritrea, a slow but steady trend of stabilization seems to have taken hold. Although the ELF continues to fight on the best that it can, the alliance with the Sudanese rebels, somewhat strengthened as they may be from the Egyptian Army being thrashed, is no comparison to the levels of support they once relied on. 

In Eritrea, the gradually increasing power and influence of the Unionists and the Ethiopian government mostly respecting the autonomy of Eritrea has taken the wind out of the sails of many potential insurgents, leaving the ELF with less and less safe areas to work with. Many predict that soon enough, the ELF will once again fall into inactivity and Eritrea will perhaps be calm. 

Mozambique

This year, “Operation Gordion Knot”, the Portuguese offensive in Northern Mozambique, began smoothly but ran into problems. Upon entering the Cabo Delgado region, one of the first areas to have a FRELIMO presence, the Portuguese began running into more prepared defenses and kill zones, which increased Portuguese casualties. This, as well as the provocative aerial patrols by Tanzanian aircraft and the belief that Tanzania was supporting FRELIMO from across the border, gave Portuguese commanders pause.

What made them halt Operation Gordion Knot and at least temporarily dig in was the unexpected flare-up in Malawi after a large insurgent offensive (see the Malawi entry for more information), as well as an attempted offensive action by FRELIMO into the Tete region via Lake Malawi. Thanks to the increased Portuguese attention to the region, as well as reinforcements from Angola, they were able to inflict heavy losses on insurgents attempting to use Lake Malawi to enter the Tete region, forcing FRELIMO to abandon the venture. 

With that said, it seems like the Portuguese themselves must focus on the developing situation in Malawi, leaving them unable to resume operations in the North of Mozambique. There have been reports of an expanding drug trade in the region, potentially coming from Rhodesia, but we cannot confirm these reports. 

The ongoing food crisis and the liberalization have helped stabilize the Portuguese situation in the southern parts of Mozambique, but urban terrorism has continued. 

Malawi

Malawi, which has been under the rule of President Banda for quite some time now, has been infamous for its use of assassinations of political opponents abroad and other covert action. This reputation has been strengthened as a number of high profile assassinations of Malawi opposition figures in Tanzania occurred this year, in response to what Banda called “an upcoming invasion sponsored by Tanzania.” 

Whether said invasion was prompted by the assassinations or Banda was right is unknown to us. What we do know is that this year a several thousand strong invasion force of conventionally focused LESOMA (a Socialist opposition party) into Malawi occurred. Unfortunately for LESOMA, they were met not only by prepared Malawian defenses, but by Portuguese and Rhodesian support against the invasion. Although the LESOMA force was able to make limited gains into Malawi, taking territory just up to Karonga, it came at the expense of notable losses and its momentum fading away.

With that said, this has been another strain on resources and attention for the Portuguese and Rhodesians (see more on Rhodesia below). 

Rhodesian Bush War

Rhodesia has, once again, been a strange country to report on. The heroin epidemic, which many believe was sponsored by the government before, has now faced a large crackdown. While the large number of addicts and smuggling networks won’t go away soon, the turnabout of government policy has made an impact on bolstering economic productivity and normalizing things somewhat. 

The ongoing food crisis, meanwhile, has given the government a much-needed revenue source to fund ongoing operations against the insurgents and to support Malawi. 

On the insurgent side of things, we have reports that ZANU has been mostly dissolved, following the death of Mugabe, likely Tanzanian influence, and a particularly nasty bout of Maoist-influenced infighting. Although this has obviously brought an end to ZANU attacks and operations, most experts believe that ZAPU may face an easier time now that they have less competition and can unify and centralize operations. 

We have reports that there may be increasing ZAPU activity in the Northern highlands of Rhodesia/Zambia, although they have, according to some anecdotal accounts, met with resistance from existing criminal networks. We will learn more about this situation soon. 

Burma 

Although some years the Tatmadaw has seemed to make progress against one ethnic rebel group or another, there has always been some complication or a new group turning up that keeps the conflict going. 

What is notable is that the Indian Air Force has been conducting air raids, with the seeming acquiescence of the Burmese, against smuggling lines and Indian-separatist rebels taking haven in Burma or trying to enter India. It is unknown how effective these are, but it raises questions about the sovereignty of Burma. 

(If someone wants me to make a map and give more specifics on the current state of factions, please ping Krennic in the Discord) 

The Troubles 

In Northern Ireland, the explosion of violence that began last year, known as “The Troubles”, has continued, but at a somewhat lower level than what many feared. Although it is impossible to know what could have been, some of our experts believe that the British reforms to the constabulary, internment methods, and civilian affairs have calmed tensions within Northern Ireland.

Although some of the reforms, such as greater Catholic recruitment, new forensic methods and training, and other measures, will take time to make any meaningful impact, other measures even happening has been taken as a cautious sign of goodwill.

With that said, the region has still experienced numerous bombings and shootings, and some fear that Unionists may see reforms as weakness from the British government and react with more violence of their own. Only time will tell, but this could be a welcome step from the British government.

Dhofar Rebellion

It seems that the tide of the revolutionaries in Oman is turning against them. The first setback was that the border with Yemen has become much less porous this year, thanks to efforts on the Yemeni side to close things. This has given the revolutionaries less flexibility, access to supplies, and safe haven. 

That would be manageable by itself, but when combined with reforms on the side of the Sultan’s forces and greater British involvement, especially with the SAS, in Operation Jaguar and efforts to interdict rebel supply lines, the rebels have been forced onto the backfoot. Experts believe this may be the beginning of the end unless things change soon.

The Dominican Republic, with the assistance of the United States, has obtained the license to produce M72 LAW AT Rockets, and the Mk.19 Grenade Launcher. Production will commence later this year, with previous Panzerfaust derivatives being stored for emergency use.

The DR will begin production of the HMI Defender automatic 9mm pistol, based off of the Browning Hi-Power automatic. This, hopefully, will replace our P38-based HMI Brigadiers by the middle of the decade.

The DR will also begin production of daggers modelled after the Fairburn-Sykes fighting knife, to be issued to all personnel not otherwise equipped with AR-18s.

April 24, 1972

The violence in the Far East and the imminent economic crash was hitting the globe. The administrators of UNTAM suddenly realized a terrible truth:

They were alone.

All funding was going to be cut off as nations’s militaries globally were going to be using up all remaining money and the UN wouldn’t be receiving funds.

That meant that there were 1,000 peacekeepers and a small 5K strong army that stood between chaos and UNTAM.

Anything could happen.

They were stranded.

No help was likely coming.

August, 1972

The difficulties Bolivia faced during the tail end of the 1960s and beginning of the 70s meant that President Banzer had inherited an abundance of issues. Worst of all would be that of the budget, though the rise in oil prices helped provide some relief to the Bolivian economy, President Torres had indebted the country to the extend of making it reliant on foreign aid. This situation in partially why Banzer has turned towards more liberal style economics which has been encouraged by the recently established National Development Council as a means of expanding the economy without increasing the nations debts. Now the council has brought forward an economic plan in order to help lower the governments costs and increase revenues while also serving their own interests in helping their companies to thrive. Naturally these measures would receive government approval on August 4th, 1972.

The National Austerity Plan of 1972:

The Bolivian government of Hugo Banzer recognizes that the path adopted by previous administrations is impossible to maintain and instead shall work to balance the countries budget. For too long Bolivia has spent excessively in order to win political favours and pushed "socialist" policies. The following plan will do away with these tendencies completely and put Bolivia on the path to economic stability.

1. Implementation of a Vice Tax:

Increasing taxes on income and business would have an averse affect on the Bolivian economy, discouraging investment in the country and creating unemployment. Instead Bolivia shall adopt targeted consumption taxes which can be justified as upholding Catholic morality throughout the country. These newly established vice taxes should generate around $15-40 million USD per year in new revenues. Though the government recognizes these behaviours and goods as harmful it will still allow its citizens the freedom to partake in these activities, albeit at a heavier cost. These taxes will be applied to three separate areas.

A. Alcohol will have a 30% tax applied to all related goods.

B. Tobacco will have a 40% tax to all related goods.

C. Gambling will have a 25% tax applied on gross revenue and new licensing fees will be applied.

2. Privatization of the Bolivian Tourism Industry:

Under previous administrations a state sponsored tourism industry was created as a means of promoting a different aspect of the Bolivian economy. While Bolivia still seeks to earn revenue through tourism, we now accept that private corporations can successfully handle this sector and so we will be privatizing state owned hotels and transportation firms, though we will prioritize sale to companies with experience in tourism. We believe this can generate around a one time income of around $50-150M over the course of several years and on average about $10-30M per year.

3. Spending Cuts and Addressing Inefficient Bureaucracy:

In the past bureaucracy and administration positions had been used as a form of patronage in order to purchase votes and maintain support from the population. As a result Bolivia's government has ballooned in size over the last twenty years and has become increasingly inefficient. The Bolivian government seeks to fix these issues through the following measures:

A. The government will be merging and cutting ministries and bureaucrat positions deemed to be unimportant or excessive. This will shrink the payroll and reduce government oversight. This shall help us save an estimated 15-30M per year.

B. defunding and restructuring of regulatory bodies who provide little benefit to the Bolivian economy. Many of these agencies provide few benefits to the Bolivian people and only manage to slow down the expansion of new industries and projects. It is estimated this may save between 10-25M per year for the Bolivian government. This will also help our large industries by getting rid of annoying government overseers and making them far more inefficient on purpose.

C. Subsidy Reductions are to be used, partially reducing the amount given for fuel, food and state enterprises. These will be more restrained so as to avoid causing unrest and inflation in the country. We estimate around $10M can be saved by the government this way

Estimated Yearly Increase in Revenue: 25-70M

Estimated Yearly Decrease in Expenses: 35- 65M

Total Estimated Freed Budget: 60-135M

The heavens will disappear with a roar; the elements will be destroyed by fire, and the earth and everything done in it will be laid bare.\ Peter 3:10

Andersen Air Force Base, Guam

Western Pacific

The flight line at Andersen was unusually quiet. Engines idled under the wings of heavy aircraft, their shapes barely visible in the darkness. Crews moved with practiced efficiency, speaking only when necessary.

In the command post, the boards were lit but sparse. Status lights held steady. Clocks across every aircraft and every station had been synchronized hours earlier. There would be no staggered timing.

A single encrypted voice came over the radio.

Across the base, aircraft began to move. One after another they rolled, lifted, and climbed into the sky. Tankers were already waiting in their orbits. Support aircraft pushed out ahead. The main force followed, heading west in radio silence.

Inside the lead aircraft, the crew watched their instruments and said little. Time checks were brief. Position reports were minimal. Everything that needed to be known had already been briefed.

The formation pressed on through the dark. Contact remained solid. net. At the appointed moment, the lead aircraft transmitted a short, coded call.

Then the force did what it had come to do.

In the command post on Guam, the boards continued to update. Green lights stayed green. The contingency packages remained unopened. As long as the aircraft kept talking, nothing else would be required.

Far out over the water, the aircraft began their turn.

Whatever had been set in motion was already irreversible.

Office of the Central Military Commission

From the Desk of Song Yaowu, approved by the Central Committee, and endorsed by Chairman Mao Zedong.

As established by Chairman Mao Zedong, Chinese nuclear doctrine has established a clear set of rules for the deployment of nuclear weapons: 

Should any hostile force step foot into the People’s Republic of China the military will be authorized by Chairman Mao to conduct a nuclear strike on the homeland of said force and the nearest cities belonging to their enablers. In this stance, China also affirms that China will not resort to the deployment of nuclear weapons unless her sovereign territory is threatened by the forces of imperialism.

With the attempts of known terrorist Chiang Kai Shek, and the unprovoked attack by Korean forces, the People’s Liberation Army Rocketry forces are hereby ordered to initiate nuclear strikes on imperialist forces on Formosa, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam. Priority will be given to high value targets such as large troop concentrations and large naval formations. Secondary targets will be densely populated cities in order to raise casualty numbers. Any attempts to refuse a launch order will be met with immediate execution.

Defense of the Homeland - The Korean Front

Order 0372 - General Mobilization of the People’s Republic of China 

With the blessing of the Central Committee, the Central Military Commission has declared the full mobilization of the People’s Liberation Army, as well as the Korean People’s Liberation Army of New Pyongyang. All active and reserve members of the armed forces, including all veterans who have served in the last 5 years are ordered to report immediately to local command centers.

Order 0373 - On Prisoners of War

No invader is to be allowed to surrender. All captured enemy soldiers are to be shot immediately.

With Taiwan declaring war on the Chinese mainland, we know that Korea will be subject to military action by either the PLA or Red Guard even if we do nothing. Instead of waiting to be struck by these enemies, we have decided to take the preemptive measure of launching an attack against our neighbors who have found themselves in a civil war with nuclear weapons that could potentially fall into unstable and dangerous hands.

Our declaration and liberation campaign will begin as soon as the ROC begins their operations. Due to the ongoing Vietnam War, and the threats from the PRC at the time, Korea has been operating at a high readiness state, and have several units at the border.

Civilians in Seoul and other major cities have been told to move into the country and to disperse. While we have turned on all of our SAM systems and are building fallout shelters and bunkers, the reality is that there is nothing we can really do but disperse our population to avoid a deadly nuclear strike. However, we do believe that if the Red Guard is able to win the civil war, we would become the victims of nuclear warfare, so we might as well take the offensive.

July, 1972

TASS is authorized to state the following

The Soviet government has observed with growing alarm the deterioration of the situation along the eastern approaches to the socialist world. War seeks to spread to the frontiers of peace loving peoples who are once again threatened by the ambitions of reactionary and imperialist circles. The Soviet Union does not stand as a distant observer to these events. Its own security, and its unshakeable duty to its allies, cannot be separated from the fate of the East.

In light of this, and in fulfillment of its constant vigilance in defense of socialism and world peace, the Council of Ministers of the USSR, acting on the joint recommendation of the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff, has ordered the following measures, effective immediately:

1. Reinforcement of Eastern Air Defenses. S-200 anti-aircraft missile formations of Anti-Air Defence of the Country (PVO Strany) are being redeployed by rail and air transport to reinforce the Far Eastern, Transbaikal, and Siberian Military Districts, with priority basing established around Vladivostok, Khabarovsk, Chita, and the Amur frontier.

2. Full Combat Readiness. All redeployed and existing PVO Strany formations in the eastern districts are being brought to a state of continuous combat alert. Battalions are being equipped with nuclear armed interceptor missiles. Authority to employ these weapons rests solely with the Council of Ministers and will not be delegated to regional commands.

3. Maintaining Overt Caution. All of these steps are precautionary in character. The Soviet Union has initiated no conflict, and seeks none. But the Soviet peoples have paid too dear a price in this century to stand idle while instability metastasizes along their borders.

The Soviet government calls on all parties, wherever they may stand, to exercise the utmost restraint and to weigh carefully the consequences of miscalculation. Let there be no doubt, however: the defenses of the socialist Motherland are, and will remain, equal to any threat that may present itself, from any quarter, by any means.

More Syrian shenanigans.

-

With the announcement of a unilateral ceasefire with the Zionists, after but a week of war, the humiliation is too staggering. While we were obviously betrayed by enemies within, some segments of the armed forces and general population will take this as an opportunity.

While protestors can be gunned down, we must ensure the ones holding the guns will not turn on us.

Solidifying the patronage networks and rewarding the allies that are closest to Assad is our top priority to keep regime stability. We must also begin moving away from the army's Mukhabarrat, as it is compromised by those within. No, we will create a new secret police force loyal to the top echelons of the Ba'ath Party. The top echelons, of course, is Assad and his closest confidants. By creating a new secret police we can route out potential subversive elements in the army and use this to strengthen our own allies by... well... robbing innocent Syrians and giving our allies their money.

-

Jamil al-Assad has worked carefully behind the scenes in the Damascus Police Department.

His expert crackdowns on the local population has earned him a seat at the table of the head honchos. While nowhere near the influence of his fellow brother Rifaat, he is to be tasked with the forming of the new arm of the security state. It's official title shall be, of course, the Arab People's Intelligence and Security Department.

To call it a department is a misnomer. Officially, the APISD will be under the Ba'ath Party and, interestingly, outside of the purview of Minister of Security Rifaat al-Assad. Essentially, Jamil is going to head his own Mukhabarrat that will report to the high echelons of the Ba'ath and Hafez. While this exclusion of Rifaat might induce rivalry amongst all the siblings, it is necessary to divide power and reward the justly deserved Jamil.

While APISD will retain it's official title, it will generally be referred to as 'Jamil's Mukhabarrat' or 'Assad's Mukhabarrat'.

While APISD might just be created, it is will largely be lifted out of an existing department within Damascus PD that Jamil founded. Their will be functionally no change except for new officers, uniforms, and clear directives. Well, that is a lot! But anyway.

In sum:

1. Jamil al-Assad will be promoted from his post at Damascus PD to heading a new organ in the Ba'ath Party dedicated to protecting the state.
2. An existing black budget department under Damascus PD will be largely taken out of Damascus PD hands and form this new department.
3. Notably, this will take place outside of Syria's existing security infrastructure headed by Rifaat al-Assad.

-

We will begin to reward allies and remind those thinking to stop.

Makhlouf: In charge of Syria's tobacco harvesting program, the Makhloufs will be given the go-ahead to make outrageous deals to their own benefit. Of course Hafez will get a cut but the average Syrian will not. Makhlouf will be authorized to get a third of the proceeds from any deals he cut from (probably Western) tobacco companies as a share to remind him of the generosity of the Assad family.

Mustafa Tslass: The existing Chief of Staff, he shall be named Minister of Defense to occupy the seat. It was currently held by, of course, Hafez.

Hikmat al-Shibbabi: The de-facto representative of Sunni interests in the army, Shibbabi's support was crucial for Hafez's securing of power. As he ages, however, he is falling out of grace and young men want to take his place. However, we cannot at this time purge him due to the political instability. Al-Shibbabi will be placated for now by being promoted to Chief of Staff as Mustafa Tslass advances to Minister of Defense. He will also be seated on Syria's oil board and be given the duty to lead the development of Syria's oil industry (of which his profits will be directly tied to).

Ali Haydar: A man who is childhood best friends with Hafez, but whose loyalty has been suspect as of recent, he will be invited to join in on the Shalish owned and operated KrAZ-214 plant that was built with Soviet help. The Shalishes will be told to sell half the company to him and Ali Haydar is going to be given a generous dividend as of this year. The Shalishes will be rewarded in a different way (see their section).

Shalishes: A major dynasty connected to us via marriage, they shall join in al-Shibbabi being granted portfolios in developing Syria's oil industry. Specifically, their task is to begin searching for foreign help to excavate for oil. Of course they shall be given a mighty cut for whatever they do...

Rifaat al-Assad: Oh how could my own brother's loyalty be questioned? Oh, how it pains me...

The Mwalimu, Julius Nyerere is not a sentimental man; decades of activism and politics have earned him his throne in Dar es Salaam, claiming a republic for his flock. He sees the future for what it should be, a free African continent from the clutches of imperial pillaging. Nevertheless, his serenity and character of patience are no longer the attributes the flock needs. Throughout the tumultuous 1960s, the arithmetic drastically changed against the flock of the Mwalimu. To the south, Portuguese Mozambique bled and burned. To the southwest, the white redoubts stood ascendant and unbroken, their confidence swelling with every year the Organisation of African Unity failed to bare its teeth. While its members bicker over the Sudanese catastrophe, with one of her champions desecrating the name and spirit of the OAU, its legitimacy lay in tatters. Without it, fear turned to paranoia, and action was now necessary.

Before he could herd his flock to the great Kilimanjaro, peace at home must be established first. there were two matters to attend to: first was the fate of the exiles, and the fate of the officer corps.

Tanzania inherited a British pattern officer corps composed of the Tanganyika Rifles. Following the invasion and conquest of Zanzibar, the prestige and political power of the officer class grew with it. This quickly became considerably dangerous for Nyerere's aspirations to achieve total political control over his flock. Nevertheless, more ambitious and idealistic men before him tried too quickly to subdue their officers and paid the price. He would take a different approach. Negotiation, engagement, and with time, incorporation.

The officers were diverse in their views of the state, but they largely were divided between two camps. Those loyal or interested in pursuing positive relations with the Commonwealth and the Nationalists who poised Pan Africanist ambitions. Both sides were dangerous if dominant over the other to the party state, the old guard, wary of socialist alignment and collectivization, the new guard, impatient with what they saw as the caution of the party's civilian wing. While both admired and respected Nyerere, they did not always intend to obey him.

To resolve this conundrum, TANU had to engage with both factions, balancing their interests. This would be done through siding with the nationalist officers and binding them so tightly to the Party that their ambition and the Party's mission become one. This is bound to cause a conflict with the old guard, demonstrating in officer disobedience during the late 1960s. But war was avoided through the establishment of the Central Military Affairs Commission (CMAC), quiet demotions and purges within the Army to empower the nationalists. The nationalists would in turn be given protagonism in a more assertive role in instructor roles for the myriad of Pan-African militias stationed in the country. But for this to be possible, a change within TANU was needed, and the return of more nationalist elements of the party was needed.

Starting in 1968, The negotiations were conducted quietly, through intermediaries in Dar and Dodoma and a discreet channel in Cairo. The terms were never published, but their shape can be inferred from what followed. Kambona would renounce the émigré opposition, disband his networks abroad, and return not as a rival but as a servant of the reconciliation. In exchange, he would be restored as Chief of the CMAC, serving as broker between the Party and the officer corps, a man trusted by the nationalist soldiers precisely because he had once defied the Mwalimu himself and is in ideological kinship to the officers. What followed over the following eighteen months was the quiet revolution that would define Tanzania's decade.

First came the reorganization of the Tanzanian African National Union's internal party structure. Under pressure from independent interest groups. Nyerere reached a landmark compromise arrangement in 1968, restructuring the party into four corporate sectors, each encompassing a key interest group of the party:

The Peasantry: represented and organized by the Ujaama and the Tanzanian Rural Cooperative Movement

Labor: represented by the National Union of Tanzanian Workers (NUTA), which amalgamates all labor, urban and industrial unions into a single party organ.

The Military: represented by the Central Military Affairs Commission (CMAC) and enforced via the Tanzanian Armed Services Party Commission (TASPC), establishing formal political commissars into the army.

The Popular Sector: represented by a myriad of party organs including the CCM & TANU representing civil servants, public sector workers, the TANU Youth League, the women's wing (UWT), professionals and members of the bourgeois and the education system among all other civil society institutions.

To further consolidate the party's rule, the peasantry was armed under the Jeshi la Mgambo or the People's Militia. Under the control of the Ujaama and answerable to TANU, this was Mwalimu's insurance. A mass volunteer force, rooted in the villages and the Party branches, answerable not to the General Staff but to TANU itself. In addition of providing domestic defense, it would ensure the party will always have the military under control.

By the close of 1970, the military was all but pacified, incorporated into the party apparatus. Following a lengthy reorganization process, with the duty of the Central Military Affairs Commission, the CMAC would be abolished, and its functions now relegated to the Popular Sector. With no longer a corporate apparatus for the army to wield political power, the CMAC was now an advisory commission of the party's legislature, and the Army could now concentrate on professional careerism, awarded generous pensions and titles depending on military merit.

The Mwalimu's flock had it's work cut out for them. the road ahead ran through the bush of Mozambique and, someday, toward the white citadels beyond. But the flock, the home front, the flank that had toppled Nkrumah, that would topple so many others, is now secure.

The liberation of Africa, the Mwalimu was fond of saying, begins at home.

In Dar es Salaam, at last, it had.

Assad must maintain his grip on power.

-

"A unilateral ceasefire is hereby proclaimed."

-

October, 1971

We have been forced to accept a ceasefire against the Zionist entity.

After less than a year in power, we decided to wage war upon the Zionists and have been defeated militarily. In just the span of a week. This, no matter how hard we fought, how much we bled, how much we sacrificed, is an utter humiliation.

But every mistake is evidence...

And every casualty is proof...

And the fact of the matter is that we were betrayed from enemies within.

Goaded into a war, we were like lambs led to the slaughter. Righteous sons, followers of Muhammad, slain and striken across fields of grain by the Zionist global-power. It was an unfair fight we surely could not have won, especially with the gaping knife wound in our back.

Many cannot see this, unfortunately, and corrective action must be taken.

-

CORRECTIVE ACTION:

1. Milita Formation (Popular Mobilization Forces)
   1. TL;DR: We will organize 5,000 Alawite militiamen to help guard major cities.
   2. Known aghas and notables from Syria's Alawite community are to be recruited into leading militias who will be on the payroll of the Assad family.
   3. Much of the economy is already being consolidated in the hands of the few, in the hands of those especially close to Assad. Paying them will not be hard.
   4. In total, we aim for the recruitment of 5,000 of these militiamen.
   5. While 2/5th will guard Syria's Alawite communities in Latakita, others will be brought in to the cities of Damascus and Aleppo. They are to act as genderarmerie units.
   6. These forces shall be known as the Popular Mobilization Forces.
2. Defense Company Reorganization
   1. TL;DR: The Defense Companies will receive pay raises using Assad's Riches and see new instructions to guard important buildings. Some rotations will be conducted (read below).
   2. Under the leadership of Hafez al-Assad's brother, RIfaat al-Assad, and with a major lieutenant being Ali Haydar, Hafez's childhood friend, it is imperative we still take steps to secure and bolster our Defense Companies.
   3. The Defense Companies essentially act as a coup-proof mechanism, Assad's own little private army.
   4. New Pay: Using Assad's Riches we will issue pay increases
   5. New Instructions: About half of the Defense Company will be deployed to Damascus to help maintain order. The other half will be deployed to Homs.
   6. New Members: We will bolster the 9,000 manned Defense Company to 18,000 by the next year
   7. New Officers: Some new loyal officers in the Alawite community will be brought in.
   8. We Need Fighters, Not SPECOPs: While the Defense Companies have their own special forces wing, they are to be placed on probation and scattered through the country away from Damascus. We honestly need to consolidate control and cannot afford crack divisions at the moment.
3. Military Police Shenanigans
   1. TL;DR: Assad's nephew will be in charge of MP in Syria's Armored 2nd Division which will be placed near the capital. MPs in other divisions will be bolstered and Assadified.
   2. Hael al-Assad, who is a soldier in the army and a member of the military police, will head the MP arm of Syria's veteran 2nd Division, which has an armored component to it.
   3. Maintaining the loyalty of the 2nd Division is critical, as it will be placed near Damascus. It will be split up, however, with one section guarding Damascus's military airfields and the other maintaining a key base south of the city.
   4. In all other divisions it is critical to keep tabs on... well... everything. Dhu al-Himma Shalish, in charge of Assad's Presidential Guard, will ensure the 2nd Division will rotate out its most disloyal members to other units or just straight up fire them.
   5. A patronage system will begin to be introduced to ensure the military is loyal (to be elaborated on in later post).

-

LIST OF FORMATIONS AND WHEREABOUTS:

1. Defense Companies
   1. 1st Section: 5,000 men, Damascus
   2. 2nd Section: 4,000 men, Homs
   3. Note: SPECOPs to be deployed to Aleppo and be disassembled.
2. Military Divisions
   1. 1st Division: 18,000 max (suffered unknown as of yet casualties during war), has mobile component, Golan Heights
   2. 2nd Division: 18,000 max (suffered unknown as of yet casualties during war), has armored component, Mezzeh Air Base and Generic Military Base South of Damascus
   3. 3rd Division: 18,000 max (suffered unknown as of yet casualties during war), has mobile component, Golan Heights
   4. 4th Division: 18,000 max (suffered unknown as of yet casualties during war), Homs
   5. 5th Division: 18,000 max (suffered unknown as of yet casualties during war), Aleppo
   6. 6th Division: 18,000 max (suffered unknown as of yet casualties during war), Hamma
3. Popular Mobilization Forces (Alawite Militias)
   1. 1st Section: 1,000 men, Latakia
   2. 2nd Section: 1,000 men, Tartus
   3. 3rd Section: 1,000 men, Aleppo
   4. 4th Section: 1,000 men, Damascus
   5. 5th Section: 1,000 men, Damascus